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"United States? foreign policy has been extremely influenced by some determinantfactors both personal and institutional. However, by the end of World War II, an institutionknown as interest group, played important role relatively to the determination of United States?foreign policies, particularly those which were related to Middle East conflict. A Jewish lobbyknown as AIPAC (American Israeli Public Affairs Committee) has been the most powerfulinterest group to influence the United States? foreign policy especially after President Truman?sadministration. This article describes the internal development of AIPAC and someAIPAC?s actions in order to get public supports to influence the decision makers."

"[ABSTRAKTugas Karya Akhir ini membahas tentang pengaruh sumber daya yangdimiliki oleh kelompok kepentingan American Israel Public Affairs Committee(AIPAC) terhadap kapabilitasnya untuk melobi pemerintah Amerika Serikat (AS).Khususnya dalam mewujudkan kebijakan luar negeri yang pro terhadap Israel,salah satunya kebijakan Syria Accountability and Lebanese SovereigntyRestoration Act (SALSRA) tahun 2003. Sumber daya kelompok kepentinganAIPAC tersebut meliputi sumber daya finansial, sumber daya anggota danlobbyist. Untuk menjelaskan hal tersebut, penelitian ini menggunakan konsepkelompok kepentingan dan lobi. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa sumberdaya anggota dan sumber daya finansial yang dimiliki AIPAC lebih dominandalam menentukan kapabilitas AIPAC dalam melobi pemerintah AS untukmenghasilkan kebijakan SALSRA tahun 2003.

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ABSTRACTThis thesis discusses how influential the resources of the interestgroup American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) towards its capabilityto lobby the United States government in achieving the foreign policy of pro-Israel, one of which policies include Syria Accountability and LebaneseSovereignty Restoration Act ( SALSRA ) in 2003. The resources of the interestgroup AIPAC includes financial resources, members and lobbyists. To explain theabove statement, this study uses the concept of interest group and lobbying. Theresult of this study shows that AIPAC?s members and financial resources is more dominant in terms of AIPAC's capability in lobbying U.S. Government togenerate the SALSRA policy in 2003. ;This thesis discusses how influential the resources of the interestgroup?American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC)? towards its capabilityto lobby the United States government in achieving the foreign policy of pro-Israel, one of which policies include Syria Accountability and LebaneseSovereignty Restoration Act ( SALSRA ) in 2003. The resources of the interestgroup AIPAC includes financial resources, members and lobbyists. To explain theabove statement, this study uses the concept of interest group and lobbying. Theresult of this study shows that AIPAC?s members and financial resources is moredominant in terms of AIPAC?s capability in lobbying U.S. Government togenerate the SALSRA policy in 2003. , This thesis discusses how influential the resources of the interestgroup“American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC)” towards its capabilityto lobby the United States government in achieving the foreign policy of pro-Israel, one of which policies include Syria Accountability and LebaneseSovereignty Restoration Act ( SALSRA ) in 2003. The resources of the interestgroup AIPAC includes financial resources, members and lobbyists. To explain theabove statement, this study uses the concept of interest group and lobbying. Theresult of this study shows that AIPAC’s members and financial resources is moredominant in terms of AIPAC’s capability in lobbying U.S. Government togenerate the SALSRA policy in 2003. ]"

"ABSTRAKTulisan ini menjelaskan tentang strategi proses lobi yang dilakukan oleh kelompok NetCoalition sebagai upaya menggagalkan legislasi Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA) dan Preventing Online Threats to Economic Creativity and Theft of Intellectual Property Act (PIPA)di Amerika Serikat pada tahun 2011-2012. Melalui studi ini penulis penulis menggunakan teori kelompok kepentingan menurut Janda, Berry dan Goldman untuk menganalisis empat macam strategi lobi yang digunakan NetCoalition yaitu lobi langsung, lobi secara grassroot, membangun koalisi, dan kampanye informasi serta dampak dari keempat strategi lobi tersebut. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian penulis, kampanye informasi yang dilaksanakan NetCoalition merupakan strategi lobi yang memiliki dampak paling besar terhadap legislasi Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA) dan Preventing Online Threats to Economic Creativity and Theft of Intellectual Property Act (PIPA) yang pada akhirnya tidak lolos menjadi undang-undang.

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ABSTRACT

This study attempts to analyze the lobbying strategy done by NetCoalition in an attempt to stop the legislation Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA) and Preventing Online Threats to Economic Creativity and Theft of Intellectual Property Act (PIPA) in the US in 2011-2012. Through this study the author uses the theory of interest groups according to Janda, Berry and Goldman. This theory helps to analyze four different lobbying strategies used by NetCoalition namely direct lobbying, grassroots lobbying, coalition building, and information campaigns as well as the impact of all four lobbying strategy.Based on the results of the study, the author concurs that the information campaign conducted by NetCoalition have the greatest impact on the legislation Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA) and Preventing Online Threats to Economic Creativity and Theft of Intellectual Property Act (PIPA), which ultimately did not pass into law."

"Tulisan ini berupaya mengkaji strategi lobi yang dilakukan oleh kelompok kepentingan Muhammadiyah dan Nahdlatul Ulama dalam konteks permasalahan Model pesantren dan dana abadi pada perumusan Undang-Undang No 18 Tahun 2019 tentang Pesantren dan Pendidikan Keagamaan (UU Pesantren). Nahdlatul Ulama dalam hal ini menjadi organisasi yang mengawali inisiasi dan mendukung sepenuhnya perancangan UU Pesantren, sementara Muhammadiyah menjadi organisasi yang mempermasalahkan pasal model pesantren dan dana abadi pada RUU Pesantren yang tidak menguntungkan basis pesantrennya. Penelitian yang bersifat kualitatif ini menggunakan Konsep kelompok Kepentingan dari Janda, Berry, Goldman (2011) dalam melakukan analisa. Wawancara mendalam akan dilakukan untuk menemukan data demi validnya penelitian. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa perbedaan strategi lobi yang dilakukan Muhammadiyah dan Nahdlatul Ulama mengimplikasikan dampak yang berbeda pada perumusan UU Pesantren.

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This paper seeks to examine the lobbying strategies carried out by Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama interest groups in the context of the pesantren model and endowment fund issues in the formulation of Law No. 18/2019 on Pesantren and Religious Education (Pesantren Law). In this case, Nahdlatul Ulama is an organization that initiated and fully supported the drafting of the Pesantren Law, while Muhammadiyah is an organization that disputes the articles on the pesantren model and endowment funds in the Pesantren Bill which do not benefit its pesantren base. This qualitative research uses the Interest group concept from Janda, Berry, Goldman (2011) in conducting the analysis. In-depth interviews will be conducted to find data for the validity of the research. This study found that the different lobbying strategies carried out by Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama implied different impacts on the formulation of the Pesantren Law."

"ABSTRAK: Tesis ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui konsep perdagangan pengaruh yang diatur di dalam Pasal 18 Konvensi Persatuan Bangsa-Bangsa Menentang Korupsi Tahun 2003 UNCAC. Indonesia sebagai salah satu negara yang telah meratifikasi Konvensi tersebut belum menerapkan peraturan mengenai perdagangan pengaruh dalam hukum positif. Penelitian dalam tesis ini menggunakan metode penelitian normatif dengan perolehan data secara khusus dari UNCAC, peraturan perundang-undangan nasional, putusan pengadilan, dan literatur-literatur hukum terkait. Data-data yang diperoleh akan dideskripsikan dan dianalisis secara kualitatif yang kemudian diuraikan secara sistematis. Hasil penelitian dalam tesis ini menunjukkan bahwa pemerintah perlu mempertimbangkan untuk melakukan kriminalisasi terhadap perdagangan pengaruh. Perdagangan pengaruh memiliki unsur yang berhubungan erat dengan akses khusus yang dimiliki seorang pejabat publik atau swasta ke otoritas publik tertentu yang dibutuhkan seseorang pihak berkepentingan untuk mendapatkan keuntungan dari kebijakan publik yang dihasilkan. Banyak pejabat publik di Indonesia yang telah melakukan praktik perdagangan pengaruh, namun dijerat dengan delik suap, contohnya seperti kasus Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq dan Irman Gusman. Dengan demikian, kriminalisasi terhadap perdagangan pengaruh dapat membantu para penegak hukum untuk melakukan penegakan hukum yang efektif dan sesuai dengan koridor hukum.

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ABSTRACT: This thesis aims to know the related concepts of trading in influence that regulated in article 18 of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption Year 2003 UNCAC . Indonesia as one of the countries that have ratified the convention has not yet applied the regulation on the trading in influence in their law.

The research in this thesis uses normative research methods with specific data acquisiton from UNCAC, national legislations, court decisions, and related legal literatures. The distributed data will be described and analyzed qualitatively later systematically.

The results of this thesis suggest that the government needs to consider criminalizing the trading in influence. Trading in influence has elements that are closely related to the particular access that a public or private official has to a certain public authority that the person rsquo s interest in need of the benefit that obtained from the resulting public decision latter.

Many public officials in Indonesia have practiced trading in influence, but have been accused with bribery offenses, such as the case of Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq and Irman Gusman. Thus, criminalization of trading in influence can assist law enforcement to carry out effective law enforcement and in accordance with legal corridors."

"Karya Akhir ini membahas dampak kebijakan anggaran belanja militer Amerika Serikat terhadap investasi tiga perusahaan manajemen investasi di perusahaan industri militer Lockheed Martin dalam rentang waktu tahun 2021. Ketiga perusahaan manajemen investasi tersebut yakni State Street Corporation, Vanguard dan Blackrock. Perusahaan manajemen investasi sendiri memiliki posisi penting sebagai pemilik saham perusahaan industri militer. Melalui kepemilikan saham, perusahaaan manajemen investasi dapat memperoleh manfaat dan memiliki kekuasaan dalam mengontrol perusahaan industri militer. Peneliti menggunakan pisau analisis teori military Keynesianism. Teori ini digunakan untuk menjelaskan peran intervensi kebijakan anggaran belanja militer Amerika Serikat terhadap sektor industri militer. Adapun dalam pengumpulan data, peneliti menggunakan teknik pengumpulan data kajian literatur. Peneliti mencari data sekunder yang relevan dengan topik penelitian yang bersumber dari literatur terdahulu, dokumen pemerintah, dokumen perusahaan dan artikel media. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa kebijakan anggaran belanja militer Amerika Serikat yang dipengaruhi oleh koneksi politik perusahaan manajemen investasi dengan perumus kebijakan berhasil memberikan dampak positif terhadap investasi perusahaan manajemen investasi. Dampak positif tersebut tercermin pada adanya keuntungan dari pemberian dividen dan capital gain.

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This final paper discusses the impact of the United States military budget policy on the investment of three investment management companies in Lockheed Martin's military industrial company in the span of 2021. The three investment management companies are State Street Corporation, Vanguard and Blackrock. Investment management companies themselves have an important position as shareholders in military industrial companies. Through share ownership, investment management companies can benefit and have the power to control military industrial companies. The researcher uses Keynesian military  theory which is able to explain the role of the United States military budget policy intervention on the military industrial sector. As for data collection, researchers used data collection techniques literature review. The researcher looks for secondary data that is relevant to the research topic from previous literature, government documents, company documents and media articles. The results of this study indicate that the United States military budget policy which is influenced by the political connection of investment management companies with policy makers succeeded in having a positive impact on the investment of investment management companies. This positive impact is reflected in the benefits of dividends and capital gains."

"Eight pollination treatments were executed on talinum triangulare willd to observe alternative pollination systems and its effects on some flower activities and seed setting...."

"Isu pemekaran wilayah di Indonesia muncul kepermukaan pada tahun 1999, pasca turunnya Presiden Soeharto dari kursi kepresidenan pada tahun 1998. Banten yang merupakan wilayah Eks-Keresidenan masa Hindia Belanda muncul sebagai salah satu wilayah yang menuntut otonomi daerah dan terlepas dari Jawa Barat. Gagasan ini muncul setelah dua kali mendapatkan halangan menjadi provinsi pada masa Orde Lama dan masa Orde Baru. Ulama menjadi corong pertama dalam hal gagasan pembentukan provinsi Banten. Lobi politik baik formal ataupun informal dilakukan demi mendukung gagasan otonomi Banten. Gerakan sosial-politik ini dilakukan ulama demi mencapai tujuan otonomi yantu kesejahteraan, keadilan, dan pembangunan yang merata. Bersama dengan komponen sosial yang lain, ulama bergerak menjadi penyeimbang kepentingan dalam proses pembentukan provinsi Banten. Di lain pihak, Jawa Barat merasa terancam dengan pemekaran wilayah yang secara langsung akan mengurangi pendapatan asli daerah.

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The region autonomy has appeared in Indonesia since 1999, after Soeharto’s retaired from his position as Indonesia President in 1998. Banten, whiches the eks-Residence in Netherland Indische has appeared as region who required of autonomy and separated from West Java. This idea was formed after Banten had threatment twice from Orde Lama and Orde Baru, when Banten formed to be a province. Ulama to be the first in terms of the idea funnel formation of Banten province. Political lobbying either formal or informal do to support the idea of autonomy Banten. This socio-political movements made ulama in order to achieve the goal of autonomy prosperity, justice, and equitable development. Together with the other social components, to balance the interests of ulama engaged in the process of formation of Banten province. On the other side, West Java felt threatened by the autonomy region because that will directly reduce revenue."