Hasil Pencarian  ::  Simpan CSV :: Kembali

"Tesis ini membahas pelibatan Rusia dalam kerangka kerjasama keamanan di kawasan Asia Timur. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan metode studi kepustakaan. Hasil penelitian ini meyimpulkan bahwa pelibatan Rusia dalam kerangka kerjasama keamanan di kawasan Asia Timur dapat dijelaskan dengan menggunakan faktor kekuatan militer, ekonomi, politik, dan penerimaan Rusia sebagai kekuatan baru di kawasan. Pelibatan Rusia di kawasan Asia Timur sejak tahun 1994 membuktikan kekeliruan teoretis salah satu premis dalam paradigma neorealisme yang menyatakan bahwa struktur multipolar realtif tidak stabil dibanding biopolar. Kawasan Asia Timur relatif stabil dengan struktur multipolar sejak berakhirnya Perang Dingin. Mekanisme balance of power di kawasan Asia Timur dilakukan dalam kerangka dialog keamanan multilateral yang konstruktif.

---

The focus of this study is the Russia`s engagement into East Asian security cooperation. The purpose of this study is to understand why Russia has been engaged into East Asian security cooperation. This study summarizes that Russia`s engagement into East Asian security cooperation can be explained by military, economic, and political power, and the acceptance of Russia as a new great power in the region. Russia`s engagement in East Asia since 1994 has proved theoretical fallacy of the stability of multipolar structure thesis of neorealism instead of bipolar. Multipolar structure of East Asia since the end of the Cold War has been relatively stable. Balance of power mechanism in East Asia achieved by constructively multilateral security dialog."

"Summary:Led by the seemingly indomitable Vladimir Putin, Russia has strongly reasserted itself on the international stage. In the worldview of Putin and the Kremlin, the inevitable decline of the West and rise of the rest provides an opportunity for Russia to fulfill its mission as an independent center of global power. This book deals with this topic"

"In this volume, a set of issue and country experts tackle the questions surrounding the challenges of a resurgent Russia for the world order as well as for relations between the European Union and the United States. Following a brief introduction laying out the circumstances of Russia?s rise, the book proceeds in three sections. In the first, Russian scholars tackle the topic of how a newly resurgent Russia sees the world. The second section examines Russia?s role in the contemporary global political economy in terms of trade and financial flows and nuclear energy. The third section looks at American and European responses to Russia, and the conclusion draws together the findings from each of the chapters and presents some broad propositions regarding Russia?s rise and the challenges that it presents for the US, EU and the international order in the years to come. "

"Perjanjian yang disepakati oleh Rusia dan Iran pada tahun 1995 yang berisi bahwa rusia menyanggupi untuk membantu Iran untuk membangun reaktor nuklir. Bantuan tersebut termasuk bantuan bahan baku, alat pendukung, dan juga akan melatih serta memberi pengetahuan kepada masyarakat Iran tentang nuklir. Hal ini tidak berjalan dengan lancer seiring dengan banyaknya kecaman dari luar tentang kebijakan yang dikeluarkan Rusia tersebut. AS, PBB, IAEA masih belum percaya sepenuhnya bahwa nuklir yang dikembangkan Iran bukan nuklir dalam skala senjata, barat pun berusaha untuk menghentikan bantuan yang diberikan Rusia dengan dalih mencegah timbulnya proliferasi nuklir. Namun hal tersebut tidak menghentikan Rusia. Disisi lain Rusia mengambil keuntungan dari posisinya tesebut yaitu posisi dimana Rusia menjadi "middle-man" antara iran dan negara-negara Barat. Hal ini berakibat reaktor pertama yang semestinya selesai pada tahun 2005 malah mundur 6 tahun dan baru diresmikan pada tahun 2011. Terlihat bahwa walaupun banyaknya tekanan dari luar dan tidak dipungkiri bahwa Rusia sempat terombang-ambing dalam mengambil sikap pada akhirnya Rusia menyelesaikan janjinya kepada Iran.

---

The treaty agreed by Russia and Iran in 1995 contains that Russia agreed to help Iran to build its first nuclear reactor such assistance including help materials, supporting tools, and will also be trained as well as giving knowledge to the community about a nuclear plan. This is not running smoothly as much pressure from outside of Russia issued policy. The US, the UN, IAEA has still not fully believe that nuclear Iran not developed nuclear weapons in scale West was trying to stop the assistance given Russia under the pretext of preventing the set of nuclear proliferation. However it does not stop Russia. On the other hand Russia took advantage of his position or the position where Russia become the middle-man between Iran and Western countries. This resulted in the first reactor should be completed in 2005 and even retired 6 years and recently inaugurated in 2011. Although the number of visible that pressure from the outside and not denied that Russia had swayed in the take a stand in the end Russia completed the agreement to Iran."

"Sektor energi memiliki peran penting dalam perekonomian global, namun sektor ini juga rentan terhadap krisis ekonomi, pandemi, dan konflik geopolitik yang dapat memicu volatilitas harga saham. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi perilaku herding investor selama dua krisis utama, yaitu pandemi COVID-19 dan invasi Rusia terhadap Ukraina, pada saham sektor energi yang terdaftar di Bursa Efek Indonesia selama periode 2018–2022, dengan fokus pada identifikasi indikasi perilaku herding pada return saham sektor energi selama kedua periode krisis tersebut. Pendekatan kuantitatif digunakan dengan menganalisis data time series harian, dan sampel penelitian terdiri dari 57 saham yang dipilih melalui metode purposive sampling berdasarkan kriteria relevan. Pengujian hipotesis dilakukan untuk mengidentifikasi perbedaan perilaku herding selama kedua periode krisis serta mengevaluasi dampak fluktuasi harga minyak mentah West Texas Intermediate (WTI) terhadap perilaku herding di sektor energi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan adanya indikasi perilaku herding di perusahaan sektor energi selama periode 2018–2022, namun tidak ditemukan bukti yang cukup kuat bahwa perilaku herding terjadi selama periode krisis COVID-19 dan invasi Rusia terhadap Ukraina, sementara fluktuasi harga minyak mentah WTI tidak terbukti secara signifikan memicu perilaku herding di sektor energi. Temuan ini diharapkan dapat menjadi acuan bagi regulator dan akademisi dalam merancang kebijakan yang lebih efektif untuk mengelola perilaku pasar selama periode ketidakpastian global serta mendorong penelitian lebih lanjut untuk mengeksplorasi faktor-faktor lain yang memengaruhi perilaku herding di sektor-sektor lain.

---

The energy sector plays a vital role in the global economy but is also vulnerable to economic crises, pandemics, and geopolitical conflicts that can trigger stock price volatility. This study aims to explore investor herding behavior during two major crises, namely the COVID-19 pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, on energy sector stocks listed on the Indonesia Stock Exchange during the 2018–2022 period. The objective is to identify indications of herding behavior in energy sector stock returns during these crisis periods. A quantitative approach is employed, analyzing daily time series data. The sample consists of 57 stocks selected through purposive sampling based on relevant criteria. Hypothesis testing is performed to identify differences in herding behavior during the two crisis periods and to evaluate the impact of fluctuations in the price of West Texas Intermediate (WTI) crude oil on herding behavior in the energy sector. The results indicate the presence of herding behavior in energy sector companies during the 2018–2022 period, but there is no strong evidence that herding behavior occurred during the COVID-19 crisis or the Russia-Ukraine invasion. Meanwhile, fluctuations in the WTI crude oil price were not found to significantly trigger herding behavior in the energy sector. These findings are expected to serve as a reference for regulators and academics in designing more effective policies to manage market behavior during global uncertainty periods and to encourage further research into other factors influencing herding behavior in other sectors."

"Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) merupakan suatu kerjasama keamanan yang melibatkan Cina, Rusia, Kazakstan, Kirgistan, Tajikistan, dan Uzbekistan. Kerjasama keamanan regional yang terbentuk pada tahun 2001 ini merupakan transformasi dari kerjasama The Shanghai Five yang terbentuk pada tahun 1996 dan beranggotakan seluruh anggota SCO kecuali Uzbekistan. Kerjasama SCO berfokus untuk memberantas terorisme, ekstremisme, dan separatisme yang kerap mengancam keamanan Cina, Rusia, beserta negara-negara Asia Tengah. Namun di balik isu keamanan non-tradisional yang diusung, ternyata Cina dan Rusia sebagai great power dalam kerjasama SCO memiliki kepentingan energi terhadap negara- negara Asia Tengah yang juga tergabung di dalamnya. Kepentingan energi Rusia dan Cina beserta kapabilitas nasional yang besar dari kedua negara great power tersebut tentunya memainkan peranan penting dalam pembentukan SCO maupun masa depan dari kerjasama keamanan tersebut. Usaha perluasan pengaruh di Asia Tengah maupun usaha untuk mengimbangi pengaruh Amerika Serikat di Asia Tengah merupakan faktor-faktor dominan yang menentukan interaksi Cina, Rusia, dan negara-negara Asia Tengah dalam kerjasama SCO.

---

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is a security cooperation that involves China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. The regional security cooperation that was established in 2001 is a transformation of The Shanghai Five, a cooperation that was established in 1996 and involved all of the current member states of SCO, except Uzbekistan. SCO focuses on eliminating terrorism, extremism, and separatism, the most prominent threats for China, Russia, and the Central Asian states. Non-traditional threats are undeniably the main focus of SCO, however the involvement of China and Russia in this institution are driven by their interests in Central Asia related to energy security. China and Russia?s energy interest, as well as their national capability, play important roles regarding the establishment of SCO and the future of this security cooperation. The attempts to spread influence and to balance US? influence in Central Asia are the dominant factors that determine the interaction between China, Russia, and Central Asian states in the SCO."

"In 2012, Russia assumes the Chairmanship of APEC, and is keen to build on its memberships of both the East Asia Summit (EAS) and the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM). Russia is geographically and historically part of Asia and the Asia Pacific, and has been a dialogue partner of ASEAN since 1996. Still, the obstacles of distance and languages have led ASEAN member states and Russia to know and interact little between both sides. As growth poles in the world economy, there is much benefit in greater interaction between their rich economies."

"Vladimir Putin's intervention into the Georgia/​South Ossetia conflict in summer 2008 was quickly recognized by Western critics as an attempt by Russia to increase its presence and power in the "near abroad", or the independent states of the former Soviet Union that Russia still regards as its wards. Though the global economic recession that began in 2008 moved the incident to the back of the world's mind, Russia surged to the forefront again six years later when they invaded the heavily Russian Crimea in Ukraine and annexed it. In contrast to the earlier Georgia episode, this new conflict has generated a crisis of global proportions, forcing European countries to rethink their relationship with Russia and their reliance on it for energy supplies, as Russia was now squeezing natural gas from what is technically Ukraine. In Near Abroad, the eminent political geographer Gerard Toal analyzes Russia's recent offensive actions in the near abroad, focusing in particular on the ways in which both the West and Russia have relied on Cold War-era rhetorical and emotional tropes that distort as much as they clarify. In response to Russian aggression, US critics quickly turned to tried-and-true concepts like "spheres of influence" to condemn the Kremlin. Russia in turn has brought back its long tradition of criticizing western liberalism and degeneracy to grandly rationalize its behavior in what are essentially local border skirmishes. It is this tendency to resort to the frames of earlier eras that has led the conflicts to "jump scales," moving from the regional to the global level in short order. The ambiguities and contradictions that result when nations marshal traditional geopolitical arguments-rooted in geography, territory, and old understandings of distance-further contributes to the escalation of these conflicts. Indeed, Russia's belligerence toward Georgia stemmed from concern about its possible entry into NATO, an organization of states thousands of miles away. American hawks also strained credulity by portraying Georgia as a nearby ally in need of assistance. Similarly, the threat of NATO to the Ukraine looms large in the Kremlin's thinking, and many Ukrainians themselves self-identify with the West despite their location in Eastern Europe"