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Abstrak :
ABSTRAK
Tesis ini menganalisis hambatan calon presiden perseorangan di Indonesia. Alasan yang melatar belakangi ialah Mahkamah Konstitusi menolak judicial review terkait calon presiden perseorangan padahal sebelumnya mengabulkan judicial review calon kepala daerah perseorangan. Mahkamah Konstitusi menolak dengan pertimbangan kehendak awal (original intent), calon presiden perseorangan tidak dikehendaki oleh MPR. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan sejarah dan perbandingan hukum, telah berhasil ditemukan dua jenis hambatan, hambatan normatif dan hambatan empiris. Hambatan normatif calon presiden perseorangan (independen) ialah, original intent tidak menolak secara tegas calon perseorangan hanya diam tenggelam dengan isu lainnya. Sedangkan hambatan empiris, terdiri atas 3 bentuk: hambatan dukungan minimal, hambatan kampanye, dan hambatan pasca pemerintahan terbentuk. Hambatan yang paling dikhawatirkan dari keseluruhan ini ialah hambatan pasca pemerintahan terbentuk yang menciptakan divided government. Setelah melakukan perbandingan dengan 12 negara Amerika Latin, dapat disimpulkan hambatan divided government sebenarnya dapat dicegah dengan cara membangun koalisi kohesif.

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ABSTRACT
This thesis analyses the barriers of independent presidential candidates in Indonesia. The reason behind this is that the Constitutional Court rejected judicial review related to independent presidential candidates even though previously it granted judicial review of independent candidates for regional heads. The Constitutional Court refused with consideration of the original intent, the independent presidential candidate was not wanted by the MPR. Using a historical and legal comparison approach, two types of obstacles; normative obstacles and empirical obstacles have been found. The normative obstacle of independent presidential candidates is that the original intent did not expressly reject independent candidates which it drowned out other issues. While empirical barriers consist of 3 forms: minimal support barriers, campaign barriers, and post-government barriers are formed. The most worrying obstacle of this whole is the post-government obstacle which creates divided government. After making comparisons with 12 Latin American countries, it can be concluded that the obstacles to divided government can actually be prevented by building a cohesive coalition.

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Abstrak :
Selebritisasi politik merupakan fenomena di mana selebriti yang dengan modalitasnya bermetamorfosis menjadi politisi. Hal itu terwujud dalam rekrutmen dan pencalonan selebriti oleh partai politik untuk menduduki jabatan politik, baik di eksekutif maupun legislatif, dalam sebuah pemilu. Rekrutmen dan pencalonan selebriti oleh partai politik yang berkaitan dengan figuritas atau popularitas selebriti, dinilai sebagai bentuk pragmatisme partai dalam rekrutmen politik. Penelitian ini menjelaskan faktor-faktor yang memicu munculnya pragmatisme Partai Amanat Nasional (PAN) dalam melakukan rekrutmen calon anggota legislatif terhadap selebriti pada pemilu-pemilu era reformasi (2004 – 2019). Teori rekrutmen oleh Pippa Norris menyatakan bahwa sistem politik, yaitu peraturan/hukum dan sistem pemilu, memengaruhi proses rekrutmen legislatif. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa pragmatisme PAN dalam melakukan rekrutmen terhadap selebriti didorong oleh celah peraturan hukum, dan konsekuensi penerapan sistem pemilu proporsional terbuka sejak Pemilu 2009. Selain itu, penulis juga menemukan pergantian kepemimpinan di tubuh PAN memengaruhi strategi rekrutmen selebriti sebagai calon anggota legislatif, yang berdampak pada pergeseran citra PAN dari partai agamis menjadi partai ―selebriti‖. ......Celebritization is a phenomenon in which celebrities with their capital metamorphose into politicians. This phenomenon is manifested in the nomination of celebrities who are recruited by political parties in elections to hold political positions, wheter it's executive or legislative. The nomination of celebrities by political parties in the election is related to the celebrity's figure or popularity which is considered as a form of pragmatism shown by the party in conducting political recruitment. This research attempts to explain the factors that trigger the emergence of political party pragmatism in the recruitment of celebrities in legislative level in Partai Amanat Nasional (PAN) in the nomination of celebrities in the elections in reform era (2004-2019). Theory of recruitment by Pippa Norris states that political system, which is the rule of law and the electoral system, affects the process of legislative recruitment. This study concludes that the pragmatism that emerged in PAN in their legislative recruitment towards celebrities is driven by laws and the consequences of the open-list proportional systems since 2009 election. Writer also found that the influence of leadership change in PAN has an impact on shifting the image of PAN from a religious party into a ―celebrity‖ party.

Abstrak :
Pada pemilihan umum India tahun 2019, untuk pertama kalinya partai Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) mampu meningkatkan perolehan kursi dan suaranya secara signifikan di Telangana. Padahal Telangana merupakan salah satu negara bagian yang dalam sejarahnya sangat sulit ditaklukkan oleh BJP. Melalui pendekatan kualitatif, penelitian ini membahas mengenai strategi yang digunakan oleh BJP pada pemilu tahun 2019 di negara bagian Telangana dengan menggunakan model pemasaran politik yang dikemukakan oleh Cwalina, Falkowski, dan Newman. Melalui dua elemen kunci dari model tersebut, yaitu pengembangan dan penyebaran pesan kampanye penelitian ini menjelaskan bagaimana strategi yang dilakukan oleh BJP memiliki pengaruh penting pada peningkatan perolehan suaranya di Telangana. Penelitian ini berkesimpulan bahwa dalam kampanye pemilu 2019, BJP menetapkan segmen pemilih Hindu sebagai target segmen yang akan diprioritaskannya di Telangana. BJP kemudian merancang pesan kampanye dengan mengangkat isu tentang ancaman yang dihadapi umat Hindu dan menggambarkan bahwa BJP adalah satu-satunya partai yang dapat mengamankan kepentingan umat Hindu. Pesan kampanye tersebut lalu disebarkan melalui dua cara, yakni secara langsung melalui kampanye tatap muka dan termediasi melalui media sosial. Strategi ini pada akhirnya membuat BJP berhasil mengkonsolidasikan suara pemilih Hindu dan meningkatkan perolehan suaranya di Telangana. ......In the 2019 Indian general election, for the first time the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was able to significantly increase its seat and vote share in Telangana. Even though Telangana is one of the states which in its history has been very difficult to conquer by the BJP. Through a qualitative approach, this study discusses the strategy used by the BJP in the 2019 elections in the state of Telangana using the political marketing model put forward by Cwalina, Falkowski, and Newman. Through the two key elements of the model, namely the development and dissemination of campaign messages, this research explains how the strategy undertaken by the BJP has an important influence on increasing vote share in Telangana. This research concludes that in the 2019 election campaign, the BJP determined the Hindu voter segment as the target segment to prioritize in Telangana. The BJP then drafted a campaign message by raising the issue of the threats faced by Hindus and portraying that the BJP is the only party that can secure the interests of Hindus. The campaign message is then disseminated in two ways, namely directly through face-to-face campaigns and mediated through social media. This strategy ultimately allowed the BJP to consolidate the votes of Hindu voters and increase their vote share in Telangana.

Abstrak :
This article examines the use of mass media, particularly print media, as means of political communication for candidates in the mayoral election in five regencies in Bali during elections in 2010. This study focuses on two aspects of these elections.

Abstrak :
The use election result data enables us to examine the relationship between candidates' expenditures and the share of votes they won in the election. Therefore, an empirical investigation can utilize a large cross-sectional sample of observations of the same product, or candidates.

Abstrak :
Have you been boring with pattern of rhetorics political communications presidents candidate and vice presidents candidate in this election campaign? It is true that political communications rhetorics presidents and vice presidents candidate only majoring element of argumentatif not narrative.

Abstrak :
Tulisan ini meneliti tentang penggunaan klientelisme sebagai strategi pemenangan kandidat Fadly-Asrul dalam Pilkada Kota Padang Panjang tahun 2018. Kemenangan Fadly-Asrul akan diteliti menggunakan teori Klientelisme Elektoral dari Simeon Nichter sebagai pisau analisis. Sejatinya, paslon petahana memiliki modal relasi yang lebih kuat untuk melakukan klientelisme pada masyarakat dan pejabat struktural yang pernah dipimpin. Namun paslon Fadly-Asrul sebagai pendatang baru mampu mengalahkan paslon petahana dan paslon lain yang sudah lebih dikenal di Kota Padang Panjang. Diantara keempat kandidat, Fadly-Asrul merupakan kandidat dengan modal finansial besar sama halnya dengan paslon petahana, Hendri-Eko. Selama kampanye, Fadly-Asrul dan Hendri-Eko banyak melakukan pendekatan yang bersifat klientelisme pada masyarakat. Meskipun sama-sama kuat dari segi finansial, Fadly-Asrul memiliki strategi klientelisme elektoral yang lebih tepat sasaran dibanding paslon Hendri-Eko. Fadly-Asrul melakukan klientelisme elektoral secara menyeluruh dengan menyentuh seluruh lapisan masyarakat. Fadly-Asrul memperhitungkan seluruh klasifikasi pemilih, mulai dari supporting voters, opposing voters, supporting nonvoters, dan opposing nonvoters. Strategi klientelisme elektoral yang digunakan oleh Fadly-Asrul diperhitungkan dengan baik dan disesuaikan dengan kondisi pemilih, seperti kultur, agama, dan kebiasaan. Sehingga klientelisme Fadly-Asrul lebih mudah diterima oleh masyarakat atau pemilih. ......This paper examines the use of clientelism as a winning strategy of Fadly-Asrul in Padang Panjang Regional Head Elections 2018. The victory of Fadly-Asrul will be analyzed using the theory of Simeon Nichter Electoral Clientelism. Indeed, incumbent candidate, Hendri- Eko, has a stronger relationship to clientelism in society and current structural officials. However, Fadly-Asrul as a newcomer was able to defeat the incumbent and other more well known candidates in the city of Padang Panjang. Among the four candidates, Fadly- Asrul is a candidate who has a firm financial resources as well as the incumbent. During the campaign, Fadly-Asrul and Hendri-Eko did many clientelism based approaches to the voters. Although equally strong in terms of financial, Fadly-Asrul has clientelism electoral strategy that is more targeted than Hendri-Eko. Fadly-Asrul conduct a thorough electoral clientelism by approaching all levels of society. Fadly-Asrul took into account the entire classification of voters, ranging from supporting voters, opposing voters, supporting nonvoters and opposing nonvoters. Electoral clientelism strategy that was being used by Fadly-Asrul was reckoned and adapted to the condition of voters, such as culture, religion, and custom. So Fadly-Asrul’s clientelism was more easily accepted by the public or voters in Padang Panjang.

Abstrak :
Penelitian ini menganalisa mengenai proses pembiayaan politik caleg perempuan pada pemilu 2019. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan mengumpulkan data melalui wawancara dan studi literatur. Penelitian ini menggunakan kerangka pembiayaan politik dari van Biezen, sebagai teori utama, dan dilengkapi dengan konsep pembiayaan politik berbasis gender, personal vote, dan patronase. Pembiayaan politik yang tinggi di Indonesia diakibatkan perubahan sistem proposional dari tertutup (Orde Baru) menjadi terbuka (Reformasi) dan celah dalam aturan pembiayaan politik. Tingginya pembiayaan politik menyebabkan caleg perempuan terpilih banyak berasal dari kekerabatan politik. Temuan dari penelitian ini bahwa proses pembiayaan caleg perempuan dari kalangan elit dan petahana tidak menunjukan masalah. Pemasukan dana kampanye berasal dari diri sendiri. Sedangkan pengeluaran terbesar diperuntukan untuk kunjungan ke dapil dan APK. Tidak adanya pencatatan sesuai realitas di lapangan menunjukan celah dalam regulasi pembiayaan tidak hanya dalam aspek transparansi, tetapi juga dalam aspek regulasi pemasukan dan pengeluaran serta ketersediaan dana publik. Penerapan kuota gender di Indonesia yang mendorong pencalonan kandidat perempuan dengan modalitas tinggi menunjukan bahwa perlu adanya tindakan afirmasi dalam pembiayaan politik. Hal ini dikarenakan penggunaan kuota gender tidak mendorong perubahan ketidaksetaraan gender dalam struktur sosial dan ekonomi. 

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This study analyzes the political financing process of female candidates in the 2019 elections. This study uses qualitative research methods by collecting data through interviews and literature studies. This study uses the political financing framework of van Biezen, as the main theory, and is complemented by the concepts of gender-based political finance, personal votes, and patronage. High political finance in Indonesia is due to a change in the proportional electoral system from closed (New Order) to open (Reformasi) and loopholes in political financing rules. The high level of political funding causes many of the elected female candidates to come from political kinship. The findings of this study that the process of financing female candidates from the elite and incumbent did not show a problem. Income from campaign funds comes from oneself. While the largest expenditure is intended for visits to electoral districts and APKs. The absence of records according to field reality shows gaps in financing regulations not only in the aspect of transparency, but also in terms of regulation of revenue and expenditure as well as the availability of public funds. The implementation of a gender quota in Indonesia that encourages the nomination of women candidates with high modality shows that there is a need for affirmations of gender-based political financing. This is because the use of gender quotas does not encourage changes in gender inequality in social and economic structures.