Hasil Pencarian  ::  Simpan CSV :: Kembali

"

Pemilu sebagai mekanisme penting untuk mewujudkan proses demokrasi Indonesia masih terus menghadapi masalah integritas. Setiap pemilu yang diselenggarakan selalu diwarnai oleh suasana manipulatif, kecurangan dan kurang terpercaya. Masalah ini menjadi lebih problematis ketika pemantau pemilu yang dianggap sebagai pilar pengawalan tidak mampu menciptakan pemilu yang jujur, adil, dan terpercaya. Pada pemilu tahun 2014 Indonesia, munculnya Kawal Pemilu sebagai gerakan pemantau pemilu berbasis teknologi menjadi sejarah baru dalam penyelenggaraan proses demokrasi di Indonesia. Namun, sejumlah pertanyaan muncul berkaitan dengan validitas dan efektifitasnya sebagai pemantau pemilu. Penelitian ini mencoba untuk menjelaskan fenomena ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Dengan menggunakan konsepdemokrasi dari  Huntington, studi ini menemukan bahwa Kawal Pemilu merupakan organisasi gerakan sosial akar rumput yang lahir dari persimpangan antara masyarakat sipil dan teknologi dan untuk mencapai potensi penuh sebagai alat untuk melakukan tindakan sipil,aktor utama mengidentifikasi framing dan memanfaatkan potensi teknologi secara terampil, produktif dan kredibel untuk merespon kurangnya akuntabilitas dan kontrol pada proses pengambilan keputusan yang demokratis. Di sini, teknologi koneksi menjadi sekutu yang kuat di dalam mendorong dan  memperkuat masyarakat sipil di dalam mempromosikan transparansi dan kepercayaan publik dalam pemilu.

---

Election as an important mechanism to establish democratic process Indonesia still continue to confront issue of integrity. Every election that has been held were always tinged with manipulative, cheating and less reliable atmosphere. This issue becomes more problematic when election monitoring which were regarded as pillars of the escort was unable to create a genuine, fair, and reliable election. In the 2014 election in Indonesia, the emergence of Kawal Pemilu as a technology-based election monitoring movement becomes the new history of the democratic process administration in Indonesia. However, several questions arose related to its validity and effectiveness as an election monitoring. This study tried to explain this phenomenon using a qualitative approach. By using the democratic concept by Huntington, it was found that Kawal Pemilu is a grassroots social movement organization which was born from the intersection between civil society and technology and to reach its full potential as a tool for civic action the main actors identify framing and exploit the potential of technology skillfully, productively and credibly inresponse to the lack of accountability and control on the process of democratic decision-making. In this case, connection technology becomes a powerful ally to foster and strengthening civil society in promoting transparency and public confidence in elections."

"Skripsi ini membahas fenomena presidentialized party yang terjadi di Indonesia pasca adanya perubahan landasan konstitusional yakni amandemen UUD 1945. Dalam amandemen tersebut, Indonesia mulai mempertegas sistem presidensialismenya dengan melaksanakan pemilihan umum secara langsung presiden dan wakil presiden. Mekanisme ini mendorong partai politik untuk memilih kandidat yang paling populer sekalipun ia merupakan outsider partai. Hal ini memiliki resiko yakni partai atau ketua umumnya selaku principal akan kesulitan mengontrol dan mengendalikan agent atau outsider yang mereka usung. Presidensialisme setidaknya merubah perilaku partai politik dalam hal penominasian nominating , pemilihan electing , dan pemerintahan governing. Melalui metode kualitatif dan tipe penelitian eksplanatif, penelitian ini mengangkat studi kasus perilaku Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan PDI-P dalam pencalonan Joko Widodo sebagai Calon Presiden Republik Indonesia di Pemilu 2014. Dengan mengombinasikan model presidentialized party Samuels-Shugart 2010 dan Kawamura 2013 sebagai teori utama, ditambah dengan perspektif dari Poguntke-Webb 2005, skripsi ini menghasilkan beberapa temuan. Pertama, PDI-P walaupun tetap didominasi peran Megawati Soekarnoputri dalam keputusan partai, namun memanfaatkan popularitas sosok outsider, Joko Widodo, untuk memenangkan Pemilu 2014. Kedua, dalam kasus PDI-P ini, relasi principal-agent cukup unik karena principalnya hanya Megawati seorang mengingat peran sentralnya dalam partai. Adapun untuk agent terdapat dua pihak yaitu pertama para pengurus partai yang tunduk dengan Megawati, dan sejak Pemilu 2014, muncul agent kedua yaitu Joko Widodo yang mendapat mandat untuk mengelola eksekutif. Ketiga, terdapat beberapa dinamika konflik internal yang didominasi antar agent yang berbeda kepentingan. Keempat, Megawati selaku principal cukup kesulitan memegang/mengontrol agentnya yaitu Jokowi sehingga Megawati kerap mengingatkan dengan istilah ldquo;petugas partai';. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa PDI-P mengalami presidensialisasi walaupun tetap memiliki karakter personalized party.

---

This thesis discusses the phenomenon of presidentialized party that occurred in Indonesia after the change of constitutional basis namely amendment of UUD 1945. In the amendment, Indonesia began to emphasize its presidential system by conducting direct election of president and vice president. This mechanism encourages the political party to choose the most popular candidate even though he she is a party outsider. It has a risk that the party or the general chairperson as 'principal' will have difficulty controlling the 'agent' or outsider that they have nominated. Presidentialism at least changes the behavior of political parties in terms of nominating, electing, and governing. Through the qualitative method and explanative research type, this research raises the case study of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle PDI P behavior in the nomination of Joko Widodo as the Presidential Candidate of the Republic of Indonesia in the 2014 Election. By combining Samuels Shugart 39 s model of presidentialized party 2010 and Kawamura 2013 as the main theory, coupled with the perspective of Poguntke Webb 2005 , this research produced several findings. First, PDI P, although it was still dominated by Megawati Soekarnoputri role in the party 39 s decision, but exploited the popularity of outsider figure, Joko Widodo, to win the 2014 Election. Second, in the case of PDI P, the principal agent relation is unique because its principal is Megawati only, remembering her central role in the party. As for the agents, there are two parties, first, the party administrators who obedient to Megawati, and since the 2014 election, came the second agent namely Joko Widodo who got the mandate to manage the executive. Third, there are several internal conflict dynamics dominated by conflict between different interests of agents. Fourth, Megawati as principal was having difficulty in controlling her agent, Jokowi, so Megawati was often reminded him with the term party officer . This study concludes that PDI P was presidentialized although it still had a personalized party character."

"Tulisan ini menggambarkan kondisi dan peran media massa sebagai sarana pemberi informasi dan pemantau selama masa Pemilihan Presiden RI tahun 2014 lalu. Media massa juga dianggap mampu menyusun realita dari berbagai peristiwa yang terjadi hingga menjadi wacana yang memiliki kekuatan mengkampanyekan politik. Calon presiden dan wakil presiden bersaing dengan menerapkan strategi komunikasi yang ampuh guna memenangkan kompetisi di ajang Pemilu 2014. Pembahasan dilakukan dengan menggunakan pemikiran peran media massa dan teori komunikasi massa dan komunikasi politik yang dikemukakan oleh Paul F. Lazarsfeld dan Elihu Katz.

---

This paper describes the condition and the role of the mass media as a means of giving information and monitoring during the 2014 Presidential election last. The mass media are also considered to be able to compile the reality of the events that happened to be a discourse that has the power of a political campaign. Candidates for president and vice president compete with each other by implementing effective communication strategy in order to win the competition in the general election 2014. The discussion is done by using thought the role of mass media and mass communication theory and political communication presented by Paul F. Lazarsfeld and Elihu Katz.

"

"Menurut hasil data Badan Pusat Statistik bahwa presentase pemlih pemula pemilu 2014, hanya mencakup 20 persen dari seluuh pemilih. Namun, kasus mengenai pemilih pemula menjadi orientasi studi yang menarik. Hal ini disebabkan karena pengalaman dan pengetahuan yang minim tentang proses politik yang mereka miliki itu sangat mudah dipengaruhi oleh berbagai sumber yang tidak resmi (kampanye hitam). Hal ini memunculkan pertanyaan penulis sejauh mana kampanye hitam mempengaruhi pemilih pemula dalam pemilu 2014. dari hasil wawancara dua informan dapat disimpulkan bahwa sumber-sumber informasi mengenai kandidat yang diperoleh masih memiliki tingkat ketidakbenaran informasi yang sangat tinggi. hal ini kemudian memberikan dampak pada beralihnya pilihan terhadap kandidat, dari kandidat yang mereka pilih berdasakan hati nurani menjadi kandidat yang dikonstrusikan media.

---

According to the Central Bureau of Statistics, only 20 percent of voters in 2014 election are first-time voters. It is interesting to explore this case further. Due to lack of experience and knowledge of the political process, they were easily influenced by various unofficial sources (Black Campaigns). This circumtance intrigued the author to understand how Black Campaigns influenced first voters. From two interviews it can be concluded that Black Campaigns produced inaccurate information. In the end, it has an impact in voters’ decision, from choice based on heart into choice made by media construction. "

"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini menjelaskan mengenai fenomena regionalisme dalam Pemilu Presiden di Korea Selatan. Permasalahan yang dibahas dalam skripsi ini adalah bagaimana pembelahan sosial dalam masyarakat Korea Selatan berperan dalam terbentuknya fenomena regionalisme di masa transisi demokrasi dalam Pemilihan Presiden tahun 1987. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dan menggunakan teori pembelahan sosial dan konsep regionalisme. Hasil penelitian ini adalah fenomena regionalisme yang terbentuk pada masa transisi demokrasi merupakan pembelahansosial yang terjadi akibat kebijakan rezim otoriter bagi wilayah di Korea Selatan. Selain itu fenomena regionalisme dalam Pemilu Presiden tahun 1987 juga didorong mobilisasi dukungan oleh kandidat dari wilayah asal masing-masing. Mobilisasi dukungan wilayah asal dan pencalonan Kim Young-sam (Reunification Democratic Party) dan Kim Dae-jung (Party for Peace and Democracy) membuat dukungan kepada oposisi terbagi sehingga kandidat partai pemerintah Roh Tae-woo (Democratic Justice Party) berhasil memenangkan Pemilu Presiden.

---

ABSTRACTThis research explains about regionalism phenomenon in South Korea, especially in the presidential election. The problem discussed in this research is how the impact of social cleavage in South Korean society toward the formation of regionalism’s phenomenon in the transition to democracy in the 1987 Presidential Election. This research used qualitative methods and it applies social cleavage theory and regionalism concept. The result of this research finds that regionalism phenomenon formed in the Presidential Election on democratic transition period was the social cleavage which occured due to the policy of authoritarian regime toward regions in South Korea. In addition, regionalism phenomenon in the 1987 presidential election was also caused by the competition among the candidates in mobilizing the voters from their respective regions. The mobilization of regional support and the candidacy between Kim Young-sam (Reunification Democratic Party) and Kim Dae-jung (Party for Peace and Democracy) cause the support for the opposition was divided and the ruling party candidate Roh Tae-woo (Democratic Justice Party) won the presidential election.;"

"Tesis ini membahas tentang Peran Bawaslu dan Dinamika HubunganKelembagaannya Dalam Proses Pengawasan Pemilu Pasca Reformasi diIndonesia. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian Yuridis Normatif, pendekatandengan menggunakan teori Kedaulatan Rakyat, teori Lembaga Negara, dan teoriPartisipasi. Serta penggunaan konsep-konsep tentang pemilihan umum,pengawasan pemilu, dan masyarakat. Untuk memperoleh kesimpulan dari tujuanpenelitian hal-hal yang disampaikan adalah meliputi sejarah pengawasan pemiludi Indonesia, kedudukan dan kewenangan Badan Pengawas Pemilu (Bawaslu)pasca reformasi, mekanisme penyelesaian sengketa, dan dinamika hubungankelembagaan Bawaslu, Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU), dan Dewan KehormatanPenyelenggara Pemilu (DKPP).Berdasarkan hasil penelitian diperoleh hasil bahwa peran Bawaslu dalampengawasan pemilu pasca reformasi menunjukkan hasil yang cukup baik, meskimasih terdapat banyak kekurangan. Kedudukan Bawaslu diperkuat dari yangsemula lembaga adhoc menjadi tetap dan mandiri. Kewenangannya pun ditambahsebagai penyelesai sengketa pemilu. Dalam praktiknya terjadi dinamika hubungankelembagaan Bawaslu, KPU, selaku penyelenggara pemilu dan DKPP sebagailembaga yang menegakkan kode etik penyelenggara pemilu. Dinamika hubungankelembagaan tersebut mengakibatkan terhambatnya tahapan pemilu dan terjadiketidakpastian hukum sebagai akibat putusan DKPP yang menyentuh ranahtahapan pemilu yang bukan menjadi kewenangannya

---

ABSTRACTThis Thesis will discuss the Role of BAWASLU and the Dynamic InstituionalRelationship of BAWASLU in the General Election (PEMILU) MonitoringProcess Post- Reform in Indonesia. This paper uses a normative juridicalresearch method, as well as the Popular Sovereignty theory, State Institutionstheory and Participation theory as approach. Last but not least, concepts relatedto General Election, General Election Monitoring and the society is also includedin the research. In order to draw a conclusion from the research objectives, thepoints that will be addressed includes the history of General Election Monitoringin Indonesia, the Position and Authority of BAWASLU Post – Reformasi era, theGeneral Election Commition (KPU) and the Election Organizers Ethics Council(DKPP).Based on the results, the role of BAWASLU in monitoring general election duringpost-reform era shows decent results, nothing that improvements are still needed.The position of BAWASLU is reaffirmed with its transition from and adhocinstitution into and independent and permanent institution. BAWASLU was alsogranted authority to settle disputes related to the general election. However, in itspractice, tensions and dynamic institutional relationships among BAWASLU,KPU and DKPP arises. The dynamic institutional relationship has hindered thegeneral election process and causes uncertainty due to DKPP’S authority to passout a decision outside its original authority and functions."

"[Evaluasi pemilih terhadap kinerja pemimpin politik menjadi pondasi bagi demokrasi, sehingga demokrasi dapat menghasilkan pemimpin politik dengan kinerja baik. Selain itu pemilihan umum juga menjadi sarana bagi masyarakat untuk menentukan kebijakan mana yang tepat untuk diaplikasikan, berdasar kepada janji kampanye calon presiden. Kajian ini berusaha menangkap pengaruh faktor-faktor sosial ekonomi di tingkat desa terhadap keterpilihan Jokowi dalam pemilihan presiden 2014. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa tingkat kemiskinan, tingkat akses ekonomi dan kondisi infrastruktur desa serta kelas menengah berperan besar dalam kemenangan Jokowi. Temuan lain adalah bahwa paparan media, baik televisi maupun internet sangat berpengaruh dalam proses penentuan suara oleh masyarakat.

---

..Voter evaluation of the political leader’s performance is the foundation for democracy, therefore democracy can produce a political leader with good performance. Elections are also a mean for the public to determine which policies are appropriate to be applied, based on the campaign. This study tried to capture the influence of socio-economic factors at the village level to the winning of Jokowi in 2014 election. The study found that poverty, economic access and infrastructure as well as the middle class plays a major role in the Jokowi’s victory. This study also found that media is influential to the vote decision.;Voter evaluation of the political leader’s performance is the foundation for democracy, therefore democracy can produce a political leader with good performance. Elections are also a mean for the public to determine which policies are appropriate to be applied, based on the campaign. This study tried to capture the influence of socio-economic factors at the village level to the winning of Jokowi in 2014 election. The study found that poverty, economic access and infrastructure as well as the middle class plays a major role in the Jokowi’s victory. This study also found that media is influential to the vote decision.;Voter evaluation of the political leader’s performance is the foundation for democracy, therefore democracy can produce a political leader with good performance. Elections are also a mean for the public to determine which policies are appropriate to be applied, based on the campaign. This study tried to capture the influence of socio-economic factors at the village level to the winning of Jokowi in 2014 election. The study found that poverty, economic access and infrastructure as well as the middle class plays a major role in the Jokowi’s victory. This study also found that media is influential to the vote decision.;Voter evaluation of the political leader’s performance is the foundation for democracy, therefore democracy can produce a political leader with good performance. Elections are also a mean for the public to determine which policies are appropriate to be applied, based on the campaign. This study tried to capture the influence of socio-economic factors at the village level to the winning of Jokowi in 2014 election. The study found that poverty, economic access and infrastructure as well as the middle class plays a major role in the Jokowi’s victory. This study also found that media is influential to the vote decision., Voter evaluation of the political leader’s performance is the foundation for democracy, therefore democracy can produce a political leader with good performance. Elections are also a mean for the public to determine which policies are appropriate to be applied, based on the campaign. This study tried to capture the influence of socio-economic factors at the village level to the winning of Jokowi in 2014 election. The study found that poverty, economic access and infrastructure as well as the middle class plays a major role in the Jokowi’s victory. This study also found that media is influential to the vote decision.]"

"[ABSTRAKbrSelama ini pengaruh ideologi terhadap pemberian suara belum banyak diteliti pada konteks Indonesia. Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk mengetahui apakah terdapat pengaruh dari ideologi konservatisme, anti-sekularisme, tradisionalisme, dan sikap terhadap penegakan khilafah-syariah, terhadap pemberian suara pada Pemilu Presiden 2014. Ideologi konservatisme dan anti-sekularisme masing-masing diukur menggunakan skala konservatisme dan anti-sekularisme yang disusun oleh peneliti. Ideologi tradisionalisme diukur menggunakan item-item skala tradisionalisme yang digunakan Asian Barometer Survey Gelombang 3. Sikap terhadap penegakan khilafah syariah diukur menggunakan skala dari Chusniyah (2012). Responden penelitian merupakan 268 mahasiswa UI muslim yang telah memberikan suara pada Pemilu Presiden 2014. Analisis dilakukan dengan menggunakan model persamaan struktural. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa terdapat pengaruh signifikan dari ideologi konservatisme (t = 1,96, p < 0,05) dan sikap terhadap penegakan khilafah-syariah (t = 1,99, p < 0,05), terhadap pemberian suara. Sementara itu tidak ditemukan pengaruh yang signifikan dari ideologi anti-sekularisme dan tradisionalisme. ;The effect of ideology towards voting choice had not been studied widely in Indonesia context. This research was conducted to see the effect of conservatism, anti-secularism, traditionalism, and attitude towards caliphate-sharia to voting choice in Presidential Election 2014. Conservatism and anti- secularism ideology was measured using respectively conservatism scale and anti-secularism scale developed by the researcher. Traditionalism ideology was measured using traditionalism items from Asian Barometer Survey Wave 3. Attitude towards the establishment of caliphate-sharia was measured using scale developed by Chusniyah (2012). There were 268 muslim students of Universitas Indonesia who had given their vote in Presidential Election 2014 as respondents involved in this research. The data was analysed using structural equation modeling. The result showed that there are significant effect from conservatism (t = 1,96, p < 0,05) and attitude towards the establishment of caliphate-sharia (t = 1,99, p < 0,05) to vote choice. Meanwhile, there was no significant effect found from anti-secularism and traditionalism ideology. ;The effect of ideology towards voting choice had not been studied widely in Indonesia context. This research was conducted to see the effect of conservatism, anti-secularism, traditionalism, and attitude towards caliphate-sharia to voting choice in Presidential Election 2014. Conservatism and anti- secularism ideology was measured using respectively conservatism scale and anti-secularism scale developed by the researcher. Traditionalism ideology was measured using traditionalism items from Asian Barometer Survey Wave 3. Attitude towards the establishment of caliphate-sharia was measured using scale developed by Chusniyah (2012). There were 268 muslim students of Universitas Indonesia who had given their vote in Presidential Election 2014 as respondents involved in this research. The data was analysed using structural equation modeling. The result showed that there are significant effect from conservatism (t = 1,96, p < 0,05) and attitude towards the establishment of caliphate-sharia (t = 1,99, p < 0,05) to vote choice. Meanwhile, there was no significant effect found from anti-secularism and traditionalism ideology. , The effect of ideology towards voting choice had not been studied widely in Indonesia context. This research was conducted to see the effect of conservatism, anti-secularism, traditionalism, and attitude towards caliphate-sharia to voting choice in Presidential Election 2014. Conservatism and anti- secularism ideology was measured using respectively conservatism scale and anti-secularism scale developed by the researcher. Traditionalism ideology was measured using traditionalism items from Asian Barometer Survey Wave 3. Attitude towards the establishment of caliphate-sharia was measured using scale developed by Chusniyah (2012). There were 268 muslim students of Universitas Indonesia who had given their vote in Presidential Election 2014 as respondents involved in this research. The data was analysed using structural equation modeling. The result showed that there are significant effect from conservatism (t = 1,96, p < 0,05) and attitude towards the establishment of caliphate-sharia (t = 1,99, p < 0,05) to vote choice. Meanwhile, there was no significant effect found from anti-secularism and traditionalism ideology. ]"

"Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh sejumlah masalah dalam profesionalitas Polri di era demokrasi pasca reformasi. Salah satunya adalah keterlibatan dan peran polisi dalam kontestasi politik. Keterlibatan Polri dalam politik menjadi fenomena penting karena memperlihatkan persoalan mendasar dalam profesionalitas aktor keamanan yang tidak selaras dengan prinsip demokrasi, yaitu tidak terlibat dalam politik. Keterlibatan ini terjadi saat situasi demokrasi Indonesia mengalami kemunduran dan berlangsung pada Pilpres 2019 di Jawa Barat. Fenomena empiris ini menjadi dasar terbentuknya pertanyaan penelitian dalam disertasi ini, yaitu bagaimana profesionalitas Polri dalam demokrasi Indonesia era reformasi, yang dilihat melalui Pilpres 2019 di Jawa Barat. Untuk menjawab pertanyaan penelitian, disertasi ini menggunakan dua teori utama yaitu Demokrasi dan De-demokratisasi dan Hubungan Sipil-Militer, dan satu konsep kekuasaan politik dalam pemolisian.Metode penelitian dalam disertasi ini adalah kualitatif berdasarkan studi kasus dengan tipe single-case design yang holistik. Data primer diperoleh dari hasil wawancara para informan yang dipilih secara purposif. Data primer dilengkapi dengan data sekunder melalui literatur, regulasi, serta laman opini informan yang tidak bisa diwawancarai. Jumlah informan dalam penelitian sebanyak 20 dari 23 yang direncanakan.Temuan penelitian disertasi ini menunjukkan bahwa persoalan profesionalitas Polri dalam Pilpres 2019 di Jabar disebabkan sejumlah faktor, yaitu: kapasitas demokrasi negara yang rendah melalui penggunaan instrumen penegakan hukum Polri; persepsi polisi mengenai kekuasaan pemolisian melampaui batasan prinsip profesionalitas; adanya dua kepentingan yang saling berkelindan dalam hubungan negara dan polisi sebagai aliansi politik; dan lemahnya seluruh mekanisme pengawasan kepada kepolisian. Temuan-temuan ini memperlihatkan bahwa pelemahan demokrasi justru terjadi di saat polisi secara kelembagaan telah mandiri sebagai institusi penegak hukum.Penelitian ini memberikan kontribusi teoretis pada Teori Demokrasi dan De-demokratisasi dengan memperluas konsep kapasitas demokrasi negara yang rendah. Proposisi teoretis disertasi ini adalah kapasitas demokrasi negara yang rendah telah menggeser peran polisi dari instrumen negara menjadi instrumen rezim. Peran polisi sebagai instrumen rezim tidak murni membatasi kebebasan sipil demi kepentingan rezim, namun juga menjaga kepentingan kepolisian.Kontribusi teoretis pada Teori Hubungan Sipil-Militer adalah memperluas konsep kontrol sipil subyektif dengan menambah unit analisis kepolisian dan konsep kekuasaan pemolisian. Karakter hubungan dalam kontrol sipil subyektif tersebut tidak sepenuhnya menjaga kepentingan rezim namun juga kepentingan kepolisian karena polisi memiliki kekuasaan pemolisian yang dapat dilakukan secara mandiri.

---

This research analyzes several problems in the Police's professionalism in the post-reform era. One of these problems is the involvement and role of the Police in political contestation. Police involvement in politics is an important phenomenon because it shows a fundamental problem in the professionalism of security actors that is not in line with democratic principles, not being involved in politics. However, this involvement occurred when Indonesia's democratic situation experienced a setback and took place during the 2019 Presidential Election in West Java. This empirical phenomenon is the basis for the formation of the research question in this dissertation: how is the professionalism of the Indonesian National Police (Polri) in the era of reform through the 2019 Presidential Election in West Java? Based on the research question, this dissertation uses two main theories; Democracy and De-democratization and Civil-Military Relations, and a concept of political power in policing.

The research method in this dissertation is qualitative and based on case studies with a holistic single-case design. Primary data was obtained from the interviews of informants who were selected purposively. Secondary data complement primary data through literature, regulations, and the opinion links of informants who cannot be interviewed. The number of informants in the study was 20 out of 23 informants' plans.

The findings of this dissertation show that the problem of Polri's professionalism in the 2019 Presidential Election in West Java was caused by several factors: the low-capacity democratic through the use of law enforcement instruments; the Police's perception of policing power that has exceeded the limits of the principle of professionalism; the existence of two intertwined interests in the relationship between the state and the Police as a political alliance; and the weakness of all oversight mechanisms to the Police. These findings show that the weakening of democracy occurs when the Police have institutionally fulfilled the principles of democracy, being independent as a law enforcement institution.

The theoretical contribution of this research is expanding the concept of the low capacity democratic in the Theory of Democracy and De-democratization. The theoretical proposition of this dissertation is that the state's low democratic capacity begins with weak democratic consolidation and in its development, this capacity is strengthened when law enforcement and security become police tools in limiting citizens' civil liberties. The theoretical contribution to the Civil-Military Relations Theory is to expand the scope of the unit of analysis, namely the police, and add the concept of policing to the concept of subjective civilian control."