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"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini merumuskan latar belakang Uni Eropa melakukan sentralisasi datapopulasi dan perumahan Uni Eropa dalam sebuah sistem daring diberi namaCensus Hub, serta dampaknya terhadap jumlah tunawisma dan ketersediaanhunian di Negara Anggota Uni Eropa. Permasalahan yang diangkat dalampenelitian ini adalah latar belakang Uni Eropa menciptakan aplikasi daring untuksentralisasi data populasi dan perumahan di Eropa. Permasalahan kedua yangdibahas adalah fenomena jumlah tunawisma dan ketersediaan hunian kosong diNegara Anggota Uni Eropa. Periodisasi penelitian diambil dari tahun 1980-2020.Metode penelitian adalah metode penelitian kualitatif dan kuantitatif. Sumber datadiambil dari publikasi resmi yang dikeluarkan oleh Uni Eropa. Teori yangdigunakan adalah konstruktivisme untuk integrasi Eropa oleh Jeffrey T. Checkelmenekankan pada perspektif politik domestik untuk merumuskan latar belakanginisiatif sentralisasi data populasi dan perumahan di Uni Eropa. Konsep yangdigunakan adalah analisis pasar perumahan dilihat melalui faktor permintaan,penawaran, dan legal dari Erick Eschker untuk merekonstruksi dampaksentralisasi sensus terhadap jumlah tunawisma dan ketersediaan hunian di NegaraAnggota Uni Eropa. Dari kedua proses analisis untuk menjawab kedua masalah,peneliti menemukan, bahwa sentralisasi sensus populasi dan perumahan UniEropa melalui Census Hub tidak dapat menjadi indikator dalam mengatasipeningkatan jumlah tunawisma dan tingkat kekosongan hunian di NegaraAnggota Uni Eropa.

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ABSTRACTThis research formulates the background of the European Union centralizingpopulation and housing data of the European Union in an online system called theCensus Hub, and its impact on the number of homeless and housing availability inEU Member States. The problem raised in this research is the background of theEuropean Union creating an online application for centralizing population andhousing data in Europe. The second issue discussed is the phenomenon of thenumber of the homeless and the availability of empty dwellings in EU MemberStates. The research period is taken from 1980 to 2020. The research method isqualitative and quantitative research methods. The data sources are taken fromofficial publications issued by the European Union. The theory used isconstructivism for European integration by Jeffrey T. Checkel emphasizes thedomestic political perspective to formulate the background of the population andhousing data centralization initiative in the European Union. The concept used isan analysis of the housing market from Erick Eschker seen through demand,supply, and legal factors to reconstruct the impact of census centralization on thenumber of homeless people and the availability of dwellings in EU Member States.From the two analysis processes to answer the two problems, the researcher foundthat the centralization of the population and housing census of the EuropeanUnion through the Census Hub cannot be an indicator in overcoming the increasein the number of the homeless and in the level of vacancy dwellings in the EUMember States."

"Penelitian ini membahas mengenai integrasi pasar saham negara kawasan Uni Eropa, NAFTA dan Asia. Pasar saham yang menjadi objek penelitian adalah Inggris, Perancis, Jerman, Amerika Serikat, Kanada, Meksiko, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapura, Filipina, Thailand, Hongkong, China, Jepang dan Korea Selatan. Periode penelitian dari Januari 2008 sampai Desember 2016. Metode yang digunakan adalah uji akar unit, uji kointegrasi, Vector Autoregressive (VAR), Impulse Responses Function dan uji kausalitas Granger. Hasilnya menunjukkan bahwa pasar saham Amerika Serikat dan China memiliki pengaruh yang besar dibandingkan dengan pasar saham lain.

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This study examines the integration of European Union, Nafta and Asia stock markets. These countries include, England, France, German, USA, Canada, Mexico, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Phillipines, Thailand, Hongkong, China, Japan and South of Korea peiod starting from January 2008 to December 2016. Unit root, Co-integration test, Vector Autoregressive (VAR), Impulse Responses Function and Granger Causality Test are employed. The results showed that USA and China stock markets have significant impact with others stock market."

"Europe's attempts to be able to be more independent on security and defense areas have been started since it tried to create EDC 1950's as the first security cooperation. Though EDC was never formally conceived, Europe has continued its efforts to develop cooperations in security and defense areas. Fouchet Plan, EPC, SEA and CFSP are several examples of its efforts attempted to be independent in these areas. CFSP is one of Europe's greatest innovations in strengtening these efforts. Specific articles in Treaty of Maastricht and Treaty of Amsterdam state that CFSP is the guidelines of mapping Europe's common security policy that will lead to common defense. What is stated by the articles is ambiguous as Europe up to now is still dependent on NATO/the US and will continously do so, in contrary Europe has EU/WEU which has been determined as an organization that will implement EU's defense policies.

This thesis tries to find out which security organization Europe will later use as its main security instrument and whether Europe actually aims at common defense or merely at common defense policy. This thesis concludes that EU will combine the usage of EU/WEU and NATO. NATO will remain to be Europe's military defense organization and EU/WEU will develop to be the organization that will ensure the security of Europe. This is a fact of the attainment of common defense policy in regard that the formation of European Army, as a form of common defense, is not viable. The establishment of a common defense requires radical adaptations and changes, for instance, EU has to construct the Europe's Ministry of Defense, European Minister of Defense and European Army. CFSP/ESDP will continue to develop and to determine resolutions on Europe's security cooperations. As long as the three EU core states (England, Germany and France) maintains diverse perpectives on common security and defense concepts, Europe will remain dependent on those two organizations (EU/WEU and NATO)."

"Tesis ini dilatarbelakangi oleh penyatuan ekonomi Eropa (Integrasi Uni Eropa) yang ditandai dengan penyatuan mata uang negara-negara yang tergabung dalam Uni Eropa yaitu Euro. Sejak tanggal 1 Januari 2002. Peredar.m Euro sebagai alat tukar baru menggantikan uang nasional 12 negara anggota UE (Austria, Belgia, Belanda, Finlandia, frlandia, ltalia, Jerman, Luksemburg, Perancis, Portugal, Spanyol, Yunani) berlangsung relatif mulus. Apakab penyatuan mata uang tersebut akan berpengarub terbadap ekspor Indonesia, maka kam.i menganaJisa 6 (euarn) negara EU (Perancis, Jerman, Italia, Belgia Luxemburge, Belanda).Tujuan tesis ini adatah untuk mengkaji ekspor Indonesia terhadap 6 {eanam) Negara Uni Eropa, sejak mulai 1995 hingga tahun 2008 dan mengetahui sejauh mana pengaruh GDP 6 {enam) negara Uni Eropa terhadap perkembangan Ekspor Indonesia. Analisis dalam tesis ini menggunakan data sekunder runtun waktu (time series). yang diambil dari data yang telah dipublikasikan oleh BPS dan European Statistic (Eurostat) dan data primer. Hasil yang diperoleh berdasarkan data tersebut dianalisa dengan menggunakan analisis regresllinier berganda dengan metode Fix Effect. Dengan metode ini maka dapat dijelaskan variable-variabe1 yang mempengaruhi ekspor lndonesia, cara meningkatkan ekspor pemerintah, dan seberapa besar.

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This thesis is motivated by the economic unification of Europe is marked by the currency union countries that joined the European Union. Since January 1, 2002. Circulation of the Euro as a new tender to replace the national currency of 12 EU members (Austria, Belgium, the Netherlands, Finland, Ireland, Italy, Germany, Luxembourg, France, Portugal, Spain, Greece) took place relatively smoothly. Is the currency union will affect the exports of Indonesia, then we analyze the 6 (six) EU countries (France, Germany, Italy, Belgium Luxemburg, Netherlands).The purpose of this thesis is to examine exports of Indonesia to 6 (six) European Union member, since the beginning of 1995 until the year 2008 and determine how far the influence of GDP, Exchange Rate (ER) and Single currency implementation of the European Union member on the development of Indonesian exports. The analysis in this thesis uses secondary data time series, derived from data published by BPS and the European Statistics (Eurostat) and the primary data. The results obtained on the basis of these data were analyzed using multiple linear regression analysis by the method of Fix Effect."

"Penelitian ini membahas tentang pandemi Covid-19 dan kebijakan penanggulangan yang dikeluarkan di 10 negara anggota Uni Eropa (UE) yaitu Spanyol, Italia, Jerman, Prancis, Belgia, Belanda, Portugal, Irlandia, Austria, dan Swedia. Negara-negara tersebut dipilih karena dikonfirmasi memiliki kasus positif Covid-19 terbanyak pada awal masa pandemi. Penelitian dianalisis menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan memanfaatkan baik data kualitatif mapun kuantitatif. Teori Ancaman Nasional dan Konsep Kapasitas Fiskal diaplikasikan untuk menganalisis mengapa 10 negara anggota UE  berinisiatif mengeluarkan kebijakan masing-masing dalam penanggulangan pandemi Covid-19 meskipun berada di bawah institusi supranasional yaitu UE, serta kebijakan pada sektor apa yang menjadi prioritas dalam penanggulangan pandemi Covid-19 di 10 negara UE dan mengapa negara memprioritaskan kebijakan tersebut. Argumentasi dalam penelitian ini adalah 10 negara anggota UE melihat pandemi Covid-19 sebagai ancaman nasional yang perlu segera ditangani sehingga masing-masing negara memutuskan untuk mengeluarkan kebijakan tanpa menunggu respon dari UE.  Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa 10 negara anggota UE melihat pandemi Covid-19 sebagai ancaman lingkungan yang berdampak pada stabilitas nasional di sektor sosial-kemasyarakatan, politik, dan ekonomi. Penelitian ini juga menemukan bahwa semakin kuat kapasitas fiskal suatu negara, semakin kuat juga kebijakan dan peran pemerintah dalam penanggulangan krisis pada negara tersebut.

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This study discusses the Covid-19 pandemic and the policy response of 10 member countries of the European Union (EU), namely Spain, Italy, Germany, France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Portugal, Ireland, Austria, and Sweden. These countries were chosen because they were confirmed to have the highest positive cases of Covid-19 at the beginning of the pandemic. The research was analysed using qualitative methods by utilizing both qualitative and quantitative data. National Threat Theory and Fiscal Capacity Concept were applied to analyse why 10 EU member states took the initiative to issue their respective policies in dealing with the Covid-19 pandemic even though they were under a supranational institution, namely the EU, as well which sector of policies was the priority in handling Covid-19 pandemic in 10 EU countries and why they prioritize those policies. This study argues that 10 EU member states see the Covid-19 as a national threat, which needs to be addressed immediately so that each country decides to issue a policy without waiting for a response from the EU. This study found that 10 EU member states saw the Covid-19 pandemic as an ecological threat that impacts national stability in the social, political, and economic sectors. This study also found that countries with strong fiscal capacity can issue strong government’s policies and involvement in overcoming crisis."

"Slogan merupakan kalimat yang terdiri dari susunan kata yang menarik dan biasa digunakan untuk mempromosikan suatu merek. Slogan pada dasarnya dapat dilindungi sebagai merek. Pengertian merek slogan belum diatur secara spesifik dalam hukum merek Indonesia, tetapi berdasarkan definisi merek yang ada dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 20 Tahun 2016 tentang Merek dan Indikasi Geografis, Merek slogan dapat dikategorikan sebagai jenis merek yang termasuk dalam lingkup merek kata. Penelitian ini membahas terkait perlindungan slogan sebagai merek di Indonesia, Amerika Serikat, dan Uni Eropa. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengkaji terkait perlindungan merek slogan serta threshold daya pembeda dalam merek slogan di Indonesia, Amerika Serikat, dan Uni Eropa. Penelitian ini bersifat yuridis normatif dengan metode analisis kualitatif. Merujuk pada hal tersebut, penulis akan mengaitkan antara pokok permasalahan dengan peraturan serta doktrin terkait. Kemudian, metode komparatif dengan pembahasan perbandingan antara negara Amerika Serikat dan Uni Eropa yang telah mengeluarkan mengatur mengenai merek slogan secara rinci. Penulisan ini akan memuat analisis terkait pengaturan terkait merek slogan yang dapat diaplikasikan di Indonesia. Dengan ini harapannya bagi hukum merek Indonesia untuk mengeluarkan peraturan terkait merek slogan dengan mempertimbangkan efektivitas dan evaluasi dari beberapa negara dan analisa yuridis yang telah dipaparkan.

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Slogan is a sentence consisting of interesting wording and is commonly used to promote a brand. Essentially, slogans can be protected as trademarks. The definition of a slogan mark has not been specifically regulated in Indonesian trademark law, but based on the definition of a mark in Law Number 20 of 2016 concerning Trademarks and Geographical Indications, a slogan mark can be categorized as one sort of trademark that falls within the realm of word mark. This study investigated the trademark protection of slogans in Indonesia, the United States, and the European Union. The aim of this study is to investigate the protection of slogan marks and the distinctiveness threshold of slogan mark in Indonesia, the United States, and Europe. This research is normatively legal and employs qualitative analytical techniques. In reference to this, the author will connect the topic to relevant rules and doctrines. Then, the comparative technique with a comparative discussion between the United States and the European Union enacted slogan mark laws in detail. This paper will analyze legislation governing slogan mark that can be used in Indonesia. Consequently, it is desired that the Indonesian trademark law issue restrictions relating to slogan mark, taking into account the effectiveness and evaluation of many countries and the offered legal analysis."

"Tesis ini membahas tentang dampak integrasi ekonomi dan moneter di Uni Eropa terhadap perubahan iklim dunia usaha di Jerman. Adanya perbedaan yang kompleks di dalam Uni Eropa mengharuskan setiap perusahaan yang beroperasi di dalamnya untuk mentaati directives yang telah diterbitkan oleh Komisi Eropa. Adapun IHK sebagai kamar dagang dan industri yang memiliki wewenang terhadap jalannya roda dunia bisnis di Jerman juga harus tunduk kepada directives ini. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan mengambil studi kasus terhadap sebuah perusahaan moulding di Jerman yaitu perusahaan Schnurr GmbH. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa setelah adanya integrasi ekonomi dan moneter terdapat perubahan iklim dunia usaha di Jerman, baik yang terjadi antar perusahaan maupun IHK sebagai badan yang memiliki otoritas untuk mengatur jalannya roda dunia usaha di Jerman.

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This thesis explains about the impact of economic and monetary integration of the European Union on changes of business environment in Germany. There are many differences in European Union, so the companies in this circumstance should obey the regulation set up in directives which published by European Commission. IHK as the chamber of trade and industry in Germany that has authority to the flow of business environment in Germany should also obey these directives. This is a qualitative research with case study of company Schnurr GmbH. The result shows that there are changes in business environment in Germany after economic and monetary integration of European Union. It happens among the companies and also to IHK as chamber of trade and industry which has authority to manage business environment in Germany."

"Tesis ini meneliti bagaimana liputan media tentang krisis imigran di Italia dan Spanyol memengaruhi proses decision-making kebijakan penanganan imigran kedua negara tersebut. Tesis ini memiliki dua tujuan penelitian: (1) menjelaskan bagaimana media Italia dan Spanyol melakukan representasi diskursif aktor-aktor politik dalam krisis imigran di negara mereka dan (2) menelaah hubungan antara representasi aktor-aktor politik tersebut dan proses pengambilan keputusan (decision-making) kebijakan penanganan imigran di negaranya masing-masing. Menerapkan teori analisis wacana kritis sosiosemantik Theo van Leeuwen dan pendekatan konstruktivisme Alexander Wendt, publikasi daring dua surat kabar terbesar Italia (Corriere della Sera, La Repubblica) dan Spanyol (El País, El Mundo) antara tahun 2014 dan 2016 dianalisis. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa representasi diskursif aktor-aktor politik dalam masing-masing surat kabar mencerminkan kecenderungan ideologis mereka, di mana pemberitaan cenderung menekankan perbedaan antara “kita” (Uni Eropa dan pemerintah) dan “mereka” (para pencari suaka) serta meniadakan kemanusiaan para pencari suaka. Kecenderungan ideologis dari representasi aktor-aktor politik keempat surat kabar itu sendiri merupakan cerminan bagaimana Italia dan Spanyol memandang krisis imigran Eropa sebagai ancaman terhadap identitas nasional mereka. Dengan bantuan media massa, Italia dan Spanyol melakukan sekuritisasi terhadap krisis imigran Eropa untuk “membujuk publik agar setuju” mengambil tindakan-tindakan yang tegas, ekstrem, dan terkadang melanggar hukum dalam menghadapi ketidakstabilan dan ketidakpastian krisis. Selain itu, dalam konteks integrasi Eropa, konflik “kita” versus “mereka” menjadi sebuah bukti akan kurangnya solidaritas di antara negara-negara anggota dan naiknya kepopuleran populisme serta nasionalisme individu, sehingga hal ini mengundang pertanyaan mengenai rapuhnya Uni Eropa sebagai proyek integrasi.

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This thesis investigates how media coverage of the European refugee crisis in Italy and Spain influences policymakers’ decisions on how to deal with asylum seekers and refugees in both countries. Two research objectives are outlined as the foundation of the thesis: (1) to explain how political actors in the refugee crisis are represented in the Italian and Spanish press, and (2) to investigate the relationship between the political actors’ discursive representations and their countries’ immigration policy decision-making process. Online publications about the European refugee crisis from two mainstream news agencies in Italy (Corriere della Sera, La Repubblica) and Spain (El País, El Mundo) between 2014 and 2016 are analyzed using Theo van Leeuwen’s sociosemantic approach of critical discourse analysis and Alexander Wendt’s constructivist approach. The findings of the thesis reveal that each newspaper’s discursive representations of political actors are in accordance to their ideological tendencies, with the news emphasizing the divide between “us” (the European Union and the government) and “them” (asylum seekers) and erasing asylum seekers’ humanity. The ideological tendencies in the four newspapers’ representation of political actors reveal how Italy and Spain perceive the European refugee crisis as a danger to their national identity. With the help of mass media, Italy and Spain securitize the European refugee crisis in order to “persuade the public to consent” to take bold, radical, and sometimes law-breaking measures in dealing with the crisis’ instability and uncertainty. In addition, the “us” against “them” conflict in the context of European integration reflects a lack of cooperation among member states, as well as the rising appeal of populism and individual nationalism, creating concerns about the European Union’s viability as an integration project."

"Tesis ini membahas fakta kedekatan diplomatik Ceska-Israel tidak menghasilkan kedekatan ekonomi kedua negara. Dalam penelitian ini, kedekatan ekonomi diukur dari volume perdagangan Ceska-Israel lalu dibandingkan dengan volume perdagangan Israel-anggota lain di Uni Eropa. Penelitian ini mengidentifikasi dan memaparkan penyebab volume perdagangan Israel-Ceska lebih rendah dibandingkan volume perdagangan Israel-negara lain di UE yang punya kedekatan politik setara. Kedekatan politik diukur lewat jumlah dan lokasi perwakilan diplomatik serta hasil pemungutan suara di sidang Majelis Umum Perserikatan Bangsa-bangsa. Sementara dari sisi ekonomi menerapkan pendekatan gravitasi, memanfaatkan indeks komplementaritas perdagangan (TCI) dan Indeks Perdagangan Intra-industri (IIT) untuk memeriksa perdagangan Israel-Ceska dan Israel-negara anggota UE lainnya. Pemeriksaan menggunakan UNCTAD, Bank Dunia, International Trade Center (Intracen), serta CEPII. Dalam penelitian ditemukan, Jerman, Perancis, dan Ceska paling dekat secara politik dengan dengan Israel. Walakin, karena kapasitas ekonomi dan jenis komoditas perdagangannya, volume perdagangan Israel-Ceska lebih rendah dibandingkan volume perdagangan Israel-Jerman atau Israel-Perancis. Ceska-Israel perlu meningkatkan aras komplementaritas komoditasnya untuk mendorong kenaikan volume perdagangan.

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This thesis discusses Czech-Israel diplomatic propinquity is not reflected in their economic relations. In this research, economic proximity is measured with trade volume between Czech and Israel and then compared with the trade volume of other countries in the European Union to Israel. This study identifies and describes causative factors Czech-Israel trade volume is lower than Israel-other EU member states trade volume. This study identifies and explains the causes of lower Israeli- Czech trade volume compared to Israel-Czech trade volumes in other EU countries that have equal political affinity. Political closeness is measured by the number and location of diplomatic representatives and the results of voting at the General Assembly of the United Nations. Meanwhile, from an economic perspective, applying a gravity approach, utilizing the trade complementarity index (TCI) and intra-industri trade index (IIT) to examine Israel-Czech trade and Israel-other EU member states. The examination uses data from UNCTAD, the World Bank, the International Trade Center (Intracen), and CEPII. In the study it was found that Germany, France, and the Czech Republic were closest politically to Israel. However, due to its economic capacity and the type of trading commodities, the Israeli-Czech trade volume is lower than the Israeli-German or Israeli-French trade volume. Czech-Israel needs to increase the level of complementarity of its commodities to encourage an increase in trade volume."

"Selama beberapa dekade terakhir, terjadi peningkatan perdebatan mengenai kedaulatan dalam kajian Ilmu Hubungan Internasional. Salah satu titik krusial yang mendorong perdebatan ini adalah terbentuknya Uni Eropa melalui Maastricht Treaty pada tahun 1992. Setelah itu, terdapat beragam literatur yang membahas mengenai kedaulatan di Uni Eropa, sehingga diperlukan sebuah kajian kepustakaan. Untuk menjawab permasalahan tersebut, studi ini memetakan perkembangan literatur mengenai kedaulatan di Uni Eropa pasca Maastricht Treaty. Dari tiga puluh artikel jurnal/buku/chapter edited volume yang dikaji, terdapat empat tema besar yaitu (1) karakteristik kedaulatan di Uni Eropa; (2) dinamika kedaulatan dalam kebijakan di Uni Eropa: antara intergovernmentalisme dan supranasionalisme (3) faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi penerimaan terhadap perubahan bentuk kedaulatan di Uni Eropa dan (4) kritik terhadap penerapan kedaulatan di Uni Eropa. Setelah melakukan pemetaan dan analisis literatur, kajian kepustakaan ini menghasilkan beberapa temuan. Pertama, karakter kedaulatan di Uni Eropa memiliki penafsiran yang berbeda-beda, mulai dari kedaulatan dipandang disatukan (pooled sovereignty), dibagi (shared sovereignty), hingga dianggap masih berada di negara. Kedua, penerapan kedaulatan dalam tatanan praktis dalam level kebijakan di Uni Eropa dapat bertahan maupun berubah, menyesuaikan preferensi negara-negara anggotanya. Ketiga, penerimaan negara terhadap beragam bentuk kedaulatan di Uni Eropa dipengaruhi oleh faktor ekonomi, faktor interdependensi, dan faktor keamanan. Keempat, dinamika serta cara pandang terhadap kedaulatan di Uni Eropa tampaknya dipengaruhi oleh fenomena-fenomena empirik atau perkembangan yang terjadi di Uni Eropa. Terakhir, dari keseluruhan literatur, studi ini mengindentifikasi celah literatur yang terdapat dalam sedikitnya analisis mengenai kedaulatan dalam kebijakan di Uni Eropa, serta kurangnya studi komparatif yang membandingkan kedaulatan di Uni Eropa dengan kedaulatan dalam entitas politik lainnya.

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Over the last few decades, the topic of Sovereignty has been increasingly discussed in International Relations. One of the crucial factors leading to the debate was the establishment of the European Union through the enactment of Maastricht Treaty in 1992. As an effect, various literature discussing sovereignty in the European Union emerged and subsequently neccessitates a literature review on it. This study mapped various literature on sovereignty in the European Union after Maastricht Treaty. By taking into account thirty journal articles/books/chapters of edited volume, this study found four major themes in the literature: (1) the characteristics of sovereignty in the European Union; (2) the dynamics of sovereignty in the European Union policies: between intergovernmentalism and supranationalism; (3) the factors influencing the acceptance of the changing form of sovereignty in the European Union; and (4) the critiques on the implementation of sovereignty in the European Union. After mapping and analyzing the literature, this study found several important points. First, the characters of sovereignty in the European Union result in various interpretations such as pooled sovereignty, shared sovereignty, and sovereignty that are embedded within member states. Second, the implementation of sovereignty in the European Union policies could both be static or dynamic, depending on the member states' preferences. Third, member states’ acceptance of various sovereignty forms in the European Union are influenced by economic, interdependence, and security factors. Fourth, the dynamics of the sovereignty in the European Union are perceived to be influenced by events happening in the European Union. Lastly, this study identifies several literature gaps on the lack of literature analyzing sovereignty aspect of European Union’s policies and the minimum amount of comparative studies between sovereignty in the European Union and sovereignty in other political entities."