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"ABSTRAKOne of the agendas and results of the I until IV Amendment to the 1945 Constitution is to strengthen the Presidential system. Strengthening the presidential system synergized with reforming the party and election system must be carried out in order to achieve the objectives of governance and institutions in the framework of Indonesia 2045. The 2019 elections are simultaneously legislative and presidential elections as stipulated in Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. The purpose of this article, the first simultaneous election should be legislative, presidential and regional head elections simultaneously. Secondly, there are 4 objectives 1. Effectiveness and efficiency, 2. Righteous democracy, 3. creating a solid and effective government, 4. period that is more organized. Using the optics of constitutional law studies, and socio legal, strengthened and enriched historical studies of presidential, party and election systems in Indonesia and comparisons with the United States, Brazil, Argentina. There are seven recommended strategies offered in the article 1. Synergizing the Presidential Election, Legislative Elections and Regional Head Elections simultaneously in 2029, 2. Preparing the Draft Law for Regional Head Election Courts, 3. Making a blueprint of the Presidential Institution Bill, 4. Simplify party systems with an electoral threshold, 5. Simplify the number of parties in parliament with parliamentary threshold, 6. Implement a threshold presidential order to create balance in a multi party presidential system, 7. Make changes to the Election Law and Evaluate the Proposal Election system with the Sainte Lague calculation method."

"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh adanya produk UU Pemilu yang dihasilkan oleh DPR RI dan pemerintah. Sebagai landasan hukum Pemilu tahun 2014 DPR-RI telah mengesahkan Rancangan Undang-Undang (RUU) Pemilu yang merupakan perubahan terhadap UU No.10 Tahun 2008 menjadi UU No. 8 Tahun 2012.Ada empat isu krusial yang muncul dalam pembahasan UU Pemilu ini yaitu:Pertama, Besaran daerah pemilihan, mengingat beberapa partai politik ingin memperkecil angkanya;Kedua, formula alokasi kursi partai politik;Ketiga, formula penetapan calon terpilih;Keempat, ambang batas perwakilan atau Parliamentary Threshold (PT).Setelah melewati proses argumentasi dalam rapat-rapat yang diadakan oleh Tim Pansus UU Pemilu, fraksi-fraksi belum menemukan titik temu kesepakatan tentang empat poin krusial pada RUU Undang-undang No. 10 Tahun 2008. Akhirnya proses pengesahan dilakukan melalui voting sesuai dengan mekanisme pengambilan keputusan di DPR-RI. Melalui proses voting dalam Rapat Paripurna, DPR RI akhirnya menyepakati empat poin krusial dalam Undang-undang No. 8 Tahun 2012 salah satunya adalah peningkatan angka Ambang Batas Parlemen PT (Parliementary Threshold) dari 2,5 % menjadi 3,5 % yang berlaku secara nasional. Khusus untuk kenaikan Ambang batas parlemen, voting dilakukan setelah sebelumnya terjadi loby antar fraksi-fraksi setelah sebelumnya terjadi perbedaan konfigurasi prosentasi kenaikan angka Ambang batas parelemen ini dari 2,5 % - 5%.Oleh karena itu penelitian ini dilakukan untuk mencari jawaban mengapa terjadi kenaikan terhadap ambang batas parlemen dan juga ingin mengetahui dan menganalisa kebijakan PT (Parliamentary Threshold) sebagai bagian dari sistem pemilu. Sebagai pijakan teoritis, penelitian ini menggunakan teori partai politik Alan Ware, teori pemilu Arendt Lijphart, teori parlementarian Arend Lijphart dan teori analisa kebijakan publik William N.Dun. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, sedangkan teknik analisis data menggunakan deskriptif analitis. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan mengumpulkan data-data administratif dan wawancara mendalam dengan pihakpihak yang terkait. Temuan dilapangan menunjukkan bahwa proses formulasi kebijakan ini masih mencerminkan proses demokrasi yang semu dan pragmatisme fraksi-fraksi dari partai politik yang ada di parlemen. Kenaikan PT harusnya dilakukan melalui proses pengkajian akademis secara mendalam dengan melibatkan para pihak yang kompeten dan lebih visioner sehingga proses demokrasi di Indonesia terus berjalan ke arah yang lebih baik.

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ABSTRACT

This research is motivated by the Election Law products that produced by the House of Representatives and the government. As the legal basis for election in 2014 the House of Representatives has passed the Bill which is an amendment to the Electoral Act No.

10 of 2008 into Act No. 8 Year of 2012.

There are four crucial issues that emerged in the discussion of the election law :

First, the magnitude of electoral districts, remember some political parties want to reduce the numbers;

Second, political party seat allocation formula;

Third, the formula determining the candidate elected;

Fourth, the threshold representation or Parliamentary Threshold (PT). After passing the arguments in meetings held by the Special Committee of the Election Law, the factions have not found common ground on a four-point agreement on the crucial Bill Law No. 10 of 2008.

Finally the ratification process through voting conducted in accordance with the decision-making mechanism in the House of Representatives. Through the process of voting in the plenary session, the House of Representatives finally agreed on four crucial points in the Law No. 8 In 2012, one of which is the increasing number of Parliamentary Threshold PT (Parliamentary Threshold) from 2.5% to 3.5% which applies nationally. Specifically to increase the parliamentary threshold, after the voting is done before going on lobbying between the factions after previously occurred configuration differences percentage rise in the parelemen threshold of 2.5% - 5%.

This study was therefore conducted to seek answers as to why there is an increase of the threshold of parliament and also wanted to know and analyze the policy PT (Parliamentary Threshold) as part of the electoral system. As a theoretical foundation, this study uses the theory of Alan Ware political parties, election theory Arendt Lijphart, Arend Lijphart parlementarian theory and the theory of public policy analysis William N.Dun. This study used qualitative methods, while data analysis using descriptive analysis. Data was collected by collecting administrative data and in-depth interviews with relevant parties. Field findings indicate that the process of policy formulation is still reflecting the democratic process and the apparent pragmatism fractions of political parties in the parliament. The increase in PT should be done through a process of academic study in depth with the parties involved is more visionary and competent so that the democratic process in Indonesia continued to walk towards the better."

"The book discusses how the use of some election rules embedded in the U.S. Constitution and in the presidential succession Act may cause skewed or weird election outcomes and election stalemates. The book argues that the act may not cover some rare though possible situations which the twentieth amendment authorizes congress to address. Also, the book questions the constitutionality of the national popular vote plan to introduce a direct popular presidential election de facto, without amending the constitution, and addresses the plan?s ?achilles? heel.? In particular, the book shows that the plan may violate the equal protection clause from the fourteenth amendment of the constitution. Numerical examples are provided to show that the counterintuitive claims of the NPV originators and proponents that the plan will encourage presidential candidates to ?chase? every vote in every state do not have any grounds. Finally, the book proposes a plan for improving the election system by combining at the national level the ?one state, one vote? principle, embedded in the constitution, and the ?one person, one vote? principle. "

"Tesis ini mengkaji mengenai Pertarungan Kekuasaan Antara Partai Besar vs Partai Kecil dalam Perumusan Ambang Batas Presiden ('Presidential Threshold') Pada Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pemilihan Umum yang terjadi di Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Republik Indonesia (DPR RI). Dalam proses pembahasan tersebut masing-masing fraksi saling beradu argumentasi mengenai isu ambang batas presiden ('presidential threshold'). Terdapat 2 (dua) pendapat yang mengemuka yang saling berlawanan (kontradiktif) antara satu dengan yang lainnya. P'ertama', pendapat yang menginginkan agar besaran ambang batas presiden tetap pada angka 20% kursi dan 25% suara sah nasional. 'Kedua', pendapat yang menginginkan agar aturan mengenai ambang batas presiden ('presidential threshold') dihapuskan menjadi 0%. Adapun teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu teori kekuasaan, teori persaingan dan teori konflik. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian  kualitatif dengan menggunakan teknik analisa deskriptif-analitis dan wawancara mendalam dengan beberapa anggota fraksi yang terlibat langsung dalam proses politik tersebut.Temuan dalam penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa partarungan kekuasaan antara partai besar vs partai kecil pada perumusan ambang batas presiden ('presidential threshold') lebih dimotivasi oleh orientasi dan kepentingan politik pragmatis masing-masing fraksi yang sifatnya kolutif dalam rangka untuk kepentingan Pilpres dan Pemilu tahun 2019. Implikasi teoritis menunjukkan bahwa teori kekuasaan, teori persaingan dan teori konflik berimplikasi positif terhadap penelitian ini.

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This thesis examines the Power Struggle between the Big Parties vs Small Parties in the Formulation of the Presidential Threshold in Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections that occurs in the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI). In the discussion process each faction clashed with each other regarding the presidential threshold. There are 2 (two) opinions that are contradictory between one another. First, opinions that want the presidential threshold to remain at 20% of seats and 25% of legitimate national votes. Second, opinions that want the presidential threshold to be abolished to 0%. The theories used in this study are power theory, competition theory and conflict theory. This research is a qualitative research using analytical-descriptive analysis techniques and in-depth interviews with several faction members who are directly involved in the political process.

The findings in this study indicate that the participation of power between big parties vs small parties in the formulation of the presidential threshold is more motivated by the orientation and pragmatic political interests of each faction that is colutive in the interests of the 2019 Presidential Election and Election. Theoretical implications shows that the theory of power, competition theory and conflict theory have positive implications for this research."

"ABSTRAKThe government system running in Indonesia is a combination of presidential systems and parliamentary systems. Based on the 1945 Constitution, Indonesia adheres to a presidential system, but Indonesia, in implementing there are many parts of the parliamentary system that are included in the Indonesian presidential system. The strengthen presidential system effort is still carried out, one of which is the rule of threshold number in Article 222 of Law Number 7 of 2017 about General Elections. However, the presidential threshold is assumed that it will strengthen the presidential system in the Indonesian government system and experience anomalies, irrational and irrelevant. With the presidential threshold, political parties can nominate the presidents and the vice by the provision of the political party or joint political party having 20 percent of seats or 25 percent of nationally legitimate votes in the previous legislative elections. With the existence of the presidential threshold, it will give a positive value, namely First, directing political parties to the coalition with other parties. Secondly, political parties after the general election will form two shafts. Those are the bearer axis and the opposition axis. Third, the presidential threshold comes up with a new understanding that is political parties only bearers, so in the 2019 simultaneous elections, there will be elected strong president and vice figures regardless of the small voice of the party that carries them. This paper uses critical discourse analysis toward the opportunities and realization problem challenges of the threshold presidential in Indonesia. The purpose of this writing is the first, how the threshold presidential relevance in Indonesia is, second, how to create an ideal government system thought of the threshold presidential system to reduce parliamentary in the Indonesian presidential system."

"Penelitian dengan judul “Peran Partai Politik dalam Pengisian Jabatan Menteri Pada Sistem Presidensial Indonesia Setelah Amandemen UUD 1945” ini dilatarbelakangi oleh penyelenggaraan pemerintahan berdasarkan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 menganut sistem Presidensial dimana Presiden memegang kekuasaansebagai Kepala Pemerintahan dan juga sebagai Kepala Negara(single chief executive).Presiden memiliki kekuasaan dan hak dalam rangka penyelenggaraan pemerintahannya. Pemilihan menteri dan pembentukan kabinet merupakan hak prerogatif dari presiden. Namun hak tersebut walaupun nyata telah dilindungi oleh konstitusi UUD 1945, dalam pemilihan, pembentukan dan perombakan kabinet tidak lepas oleh peranan partai politik. Partai politik merupakan pilar penting dalam negara demokrasi modern. Namun peran partai harus sesuai dengan konstitusi dan aturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mendapat gambaran yang menyeluruh mengenai mekanisme pengisian jabatan menteri sesuai dengan peraturan perundang-undangan di Indonesia, peran partai politik dalam masalah pengisian jabatan Menteri serta bagaimanaupaya pembatasan peran partai politik dalam pengisian jabatan menteri. Penelitian ini juga melakukan perbandingan dengan tiga negara lain yaitu Amerika Serikat, Inggris, dan Brazil. Penelitian ini menggunakan metodepenelitian yuridis normatif dan komparatif. Jenis data yang digunakan adalah data sekunder. Data sekunder ini didapatkan melalui penelitian studi pustaka dan dianalisa secara deskriptif. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa komposisi menteri di Kabinet pemerintahan Yudhoyono-Kalla dan Yudhoyono-Boediono didominasi oleh menteri yang didukung oleh partai politik terlepas mereka profesional atau berasal dari kader partai. Peran partai politik sangat besar dalam pemilihan, pembentukan dan perombakan kabinet. Hal ini bertentangan dengan pasal 17 UUD 1945 yang mengatur hak prerogatif presiden untuk memilih dan mengangkat menteri untuk menjalankan pemerintahan. Penelitian ini juga membandingkan peran partai politik terhadap pengisian jabatan menteri di negara lain yaitu Amerika Serikat, Inggris, dan Brazil. Penulis kemudian menjabarkan ide-ide dan gagasan upaya pembatasan terhadap peran partai politik terhadap pengisian jabatan menteri demi terwujudnya sistem presidensial yang efektif dan sesuai dengan konstitusi. Upaya membatasi peran partai dapat dilakukan dengan cara pelembagaan koalisi, penguatan lembaga kepresidenan melalui Undang-Undang Lembaga Kepresidenan dan Pengaturan internal institusi kepresidenan, Larangan Rangkap Jabatan, dan sistem perekrutan menteri dengan merit system.

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Research by title “The Role of Political Parties in Minister Appointee in Indonesia Presidential System After Amendment 1945 Constitution” is motivated by President as the Head of Government and Head of State (single chief executive) has the power and rights in furtherance of the administration. Minister appointee and Cabinet formation are the prerogative rights of the president. However, despite the prerogative right protected by the 1945 Constitution, in the selection, establishment and reshuffle of the cabinet can not be separated by the role of political parties. Focus of this research is to describe and analyze the mechanism of the Minister appointee based on the constitution and legislation, role of the political parties in minister appointee during the administration of President Yudhoyono-Kalla and the administration of Yudhoyono-Boediono. This research also analyze the delimitation of political role in minister appointee and how the comparison of political role and delimitation in minister appointee on other countries. This research used normative juridical methods with comparative approach. Type of data used is secondary data. The secondary data obtained through library research and analyzed descriptively. The research result shows that The minister composition on cabinet at Yudhoyono-Kalla and Yudhoyono-Boediono administration dominated by minister thatsupportedfrom political parties regardless of their professional or derived from party cadres. Political party role enormous in the selection, establishment and cabinet reshuffle. These political role contrast with the article 17 UUD 1945 that govern the president's prerogative to select and appoint ministers to run the administration.The study also compared the political parties role for minister appointee in other countries, namely the United States, Britain, and Brazil. Then The author described the ideas and thoughts of delimitation political parties role in minister appointee in order to create the effective presidential system based on the constitution. The delimitation can be done by institutionalizing the coalition, performing strong presidentialism trough presidential act and internal presidential reform, the prohibition of double occupation, and minister recruitment system based on merit system."

"ABSTRAKPokok permasalahan tesis ini adalah membahas ketentuan hukum mengenai pemerintahan presidensial dalam hubungannya dengan sistem multipartai di Indonesia dan bagaimana implementasinya, dengan menggunakan metode penelitian hukum normatif, sehingga data yang digunakan adalah data sekunder yang dilakukan melalui penelitian kepustakaan (library research). Pasca Perubahan UUD 1945, lembaga kepresidenan mempunyai legitimasi kuat, karena dipilih melalui pemilihan umum langsung, tetapi sampai saat ini, belum tercipta pemerintahan yang efektif di Indonesia. Untuk mewujudkan pemerintahan presidensial efektif perlu akselerasi penyederhanaan partai politik secara alamiah dan demokratis, dibutuhkan kepemimpinan (leadership) yang cerdas, berani dan tegas, serta didukung budaya hukum dan politik yang sehat dan dinamis.

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ABSTRACTThe focus of this these is elaborating of rule of law on presidential government its relations to multiparty system and how its implementation in Indonesia. The these is legal normative research with secunder data and conducted by library research methode. After armendment of UUD 1945, the presidential institution has legitimated power because of direct election. However, the system does not realized yed the effective government in the country. What we need to implement the effective presidential government is accelerating of simplified political parties by natural and democratic way, at the same time the country need smart, strong and coherent leadership, and supported by good and dynamic of culture of law and politics as well."

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