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"ABSTRACTMothers of the Nation or ibuism is a term that is often considered negative in the study of womens history. This is related to the nations political journey, during which the New Order regime took power, the terminology was used to control and dominate women in Indonesia. Further explored, in the 19205, the spirit of nationalism are grew, including among the (priayi) noble women. They formed an association and held the Indonesian Womens Congress I in 1928. According to Susan Blackburn, what women did at the time was their nationalistic form, becoming Mothers of the Nation. Using a historical approach, this paper seeks to retrace how early noble women came into existence and formulated their ideas of nationalism. The sources used are the result of literature studies, whether magazines, books, scientific papers, memoirs or biographies of women movement. This paper also use oral and photo sources to complete the experiences of women who involved in this topic."

"ABSTRACTThe purpose of this study is to explain about womens positions and roles that are represented in films as agents who frame identity and ethnical stereotype of the East. By using intersectional feminist perspective, the study analyze texts from three Indonesian films which using film sets in the regions of Eastern Indonesia as follows: Aisyah: Let Us Be a Family (2016), Salawaku (2016), and Marlina, the Murderer in Four Acts (2017). Findings show that films about Eastern Indonesia still embed with the perspectives of orientalism and colonialism. Women from non Eastern Indonesia are commonly represented to having superior positions and important roles in educating and spreading the feeling of nationalism. On the other hand, Eastern Indonesian women are mostly represented inferior and alienated from their communities and nature."

"ABSTRACTThis paper discusses gender bias within the Indonesian historiography tradition. Various historical literature records that all major events in Indonesian history as a nation are masculine and strongly dominated by male narratives.There is no space for women to be present in the narratives of the past. As if the history of Indonesia is a history of men, whereas if critical research is done then women such as men have a past narrative that is also important. Women are present and give meaning to the development of the nations history. This matter is absent in Indonesian historiography. The strength of gender bias in the historiography of Indonesia can not be separated from the strong patriarchal culture in the life of society. Thus the gender bias ultimately forms a canon, so this is then reproduced from generation to generation. This article argues that critical research by revealing a new fact is a power to change gender bias in Indonesian historiography."

"ABSTRACTContemporary feminists in Indonesia do not yet have questions about nationality, since the conversation about nationality has been considered final at the beginning of Indonesian independence. In fact, in terms of contemporary analysis, women have problems with nationality, when the definition of nationality is dominated by the study of political science that is male view biased. By tracing history to contemporary time, the relationship between women and nationality is dominated by patriarchal interests for the mobilization of power, even if women have an independent political interest. That is why political interests of women are situated marginally in nationality. But if we use the perspective of the social sciences, as feminist theories, then the notion of nationality is broader than that of women and the state. We are still less productive in abstracting the relationship between women and citizens in nationality, while it is a daily practice of womens struggles both personally and organically. Women have proven to be an active agency to become citizens beyond the mobilization of the state.This paper seeks to arouse feminist questions about nationalism, in order to reveal the role of women who are hidden in nationality."

"ABSTRACTThe discussion on terrorism is currently focused on issues concerning law enforcement efforts, cooperation between defense institutions, analysis of legal policies, and definitions of terrorism. Women (especially wives) are excluded from the process of dialogue and response to terrorism. This study emphasizes the experience and voice of the wives of former convicted terrorists. This article explores the process of upheaval and negotiation from the extremist narratives contained in the logic of thinking as a struggle in the context of self acceptance and autonomy. This study uses a case study approach with a feminist perspective, and in depth interviews as a method of data collection. The feminist view of Relational Autonomy and the Politics of Piety was chosen as a theoretical framework for analyzing findings. The results of the study indicate that there is an indoctrination from the husband about the teachings of extremism and that the wife experiences a struggle to internalize the teaching. On the other hand, there are also findings that show wives also negotiate with their husbands in carrying out the teachings of extremism. The conclusion of this study shows that the wifes figure experiences the process of constructivism and relational autonomy in the struggle process and its negotiations so far. In addition, the wife can also be seen as an agent to strengthen the spirit of nationality through the values of tolerance."

"ABSTRACTThe chaotic political issues always accompany the nation of Indonesia until this day. One of them is reflected in political dimension which summarized on the intolerance narrative in the election of Jakarta governor in 2017. Nonetheless, gender and women dimensions seem to shrink from public attention. Within the framework of the state, the important role of women for national life is reduced in the ideology of ibuism.This ideology actually finds a way in triggering activation of women when adapting to Political Islam. For that reason, research question of this paper is how the ibuism of political Islam affect the perception and preferences of female voters in the election of Jakarta governor in 2017? In order to answer the question, this paper uses a qualitative methodology with a phenomenological approach. As the final result, this paper conclude that in the framework of ibuism of political Islam, women played a role as agent which directing women voter perception. It is worked in taklims mobilization network where women voter are asked vow to vote or do not vote particular candidate in Jakarta governor election in 2017."

"ABSTRAKDisertasi ini memproblematikakan representasi perempuan Indonesia melalui sinetron dengan menggunakan perspektlf feminis sosiologi, dalam konteks situasi sosial pasca Orde Baru sebagai konteks sosiologis signifikansi booming media dalam situasi yang berbeda dari dekade sebelumnya. Proses menggunakan perspektif feminis, disertasi ini juga melihat dialog antara sosiologi sebagai ilmu arus utama dengan feminis yang dianggap partikular.Sebagai upaya menyumbang pada ruang publlk, disertasi ini juga berusaha memperlihatkan implikasi praktis sumbangan feminis terhadap kehidupan ruang publik di Indonesia.

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AbstractAfter the tumbling down of the New Order, the situation concerning the media in Indonesia is getting freer. The eradication of the Department of Information and the lesser control by the military is used by the media to secure freedom of the press by the legislature and regulation. The media afterward is a booming economic activity which can be seen from the increasing numbers of media whether print, audio or audio visual. The dissertation oontextualises such situation as particular important and significant historical event, because it marks the sequence of social change."

"Artikel ini membahas écriture féminine yang diperlihatkan dalam kumpulan esai Si Parasit Lajang karya Ayu Utami. Penelitian ini termasuk dalam penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan teknik deskriptif. Penelitian difokuskan pada isu perempuan yang diungkapkan di dalam kumpulan esai tersebut. Kumpulan esai ini memperlihatkan bahwa terdapat banyak permasalahan di tengah masyarakat yang membuat perempuan berada di dalam posisi inferior. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa esai-esai Ayu Utami mengenai perempuan termasuk ke dalam kriteria écriture féminine yang dikemukakan oleh Cixous.

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This article discusses about écriture féminine found in the collection of essays Si Parasit Lajang by Ayu Utami. This research is one of the qualitative research using the descriptive technique. The research focuses on women’s issues mentioned in Si Parasit Lajang. This collection of essays reveals that there are many issues among the society that puts women in an inferior position. The result of this research shows that the essays written by Ayu Utami about women are considered as écriture féminine mentioned by Cixous."

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Sepak bola, sebagai bagian dari olahraga yang populer di masyarakat, pada dasarnya memberikan kesempatan bagi perempuan untuk turut serta berpartisipasi. Akan tetapi, persepsi maskulinitas dalam sepak bola masih mengakar kuat di Indonesia. Kondisi ini tercerminkan melalui dominasi laki-laki ketika membentuk komunitas penggemar sepak bola sehingga keberadaan perempuan seolah terpinggirkan terutama karena jumlah yang tak seimbang antara penggemar laki-laki dan penggemar perempuan. Hal ini yang melatarbelakangi pembentukan komunitas khusus guna mewadahi perempuan penggemar sepak bola. Sementara itu, keberadaan media sosial sebagai wadah komunikasi virtual telah membawa kecenderungan homophily atau memiliki pilihan yang sama. Maka dari itu, banyak bermunculan beragam komunitas perempuan penggemar sepak bola, yang diantaranya adalah @JC_Indonesia (Twitter) dan @babesunitedindo (Instagram). Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan analisis tekstual dan obeservasi untuk mengetahui bagaimana perempuan Indonesia dalam sepak bola dimunculkan dalam media sosial melalui akun @JCI_Indonesia dan @babesunitedindo. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan ada tiga strategi yang digunakan oleh kedua komunitas tersebut dalam mengkonstruksikan identitas gender dalam dominasi maskulinitas dalam budaya penggemar sepak bola. Strategi pertama adalah dengan secara berkala keluar dan masuk ranah laki-laki sebagai bentuk negosiasi atas budaya maskulinitas dalam sepak bola melalui media sosial. Strategi lainnya adalah melalui proses labeling mikro komunitas sebagai pengukuhan identitas feminin dalam sepak bola. Akan tetapi, strategi ketiga menunjukkan adanya ambiguitas identitas maskulin dan feminin ketika komunitas yang dijadikan studi kasus mempermasalahkan ketidakseimbangan relasi kuasa antara klub penggemar laki-laki dan perempuan.

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ABSTRACT

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It seems that there is no limitation for women to participate in football. Nonetheless, it is still a sport dominated by male players and also male football fans even though in reality, there are a lot of female football fans. Nowadays, social media has been utilized as a virtual communication medium bringing out a homophily tendency or having a same choice. Groupings of football fan communities are based on similarities in accessing information related to their favorite football club. This study analyses two female football fans communities: @JC_Indonesia (Twitter) and @babesunitedindo (Instagram). By utilizing textual analysis and ethnographic methods (interviews and observations), the thesis aims to determine how female football fans construct contesting gender identities in social media. The result reveals that there are three strategies used by both communities in problematizing the constructed gender identity. The first strategy is to enter and exit the masculine arena as a form of negotiation. Another strategy is done through labeling process as these micro communities exemplify their feminine identity as a response to the dominant masculine identity in the football fandom practice. Third, there is an ambiguity in strategically playing with the masculine and feminine identity which is supposed to be problematizing the imbalance power relation between the male and female football fan clubs.

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"Keadaan pergerakan nasional pada tahun 1930-an berbeda dengan keadaan sebelumnya. Keadaan tersebut terutama disebabkan oleh sikap pemerintah kolonial yang sangat menakan gerakan nasional, khusunya gerakan yang menganut azas perjuangan non-koperasi. PNI yang didirikan pada tahun 1927, pada tahun 1931 pecah menjadi Partindo yang dipimpin oleh Sukarno dan PNI Baru yang dipimpin oleh Mohammad Hatta. Baik Partindo maupun PNI-Baru dinilai pemerintah, membahayakan. Ditekanlah kedua partai itu melalui berbagai cara, seperti pembatasan kebebasan berbicara dalam rapat-rapat, dilaksanakannya hak luar biasa Gubernur Jenderal yaitu exorbitantrechten, dan adanya larangan untuk mengadakan rapat dan berkumpul yang berlaku di seluruh Indonesia. Dengan dilaksanakannya berbagai senjata itu, maka keadaan gerakan non-koperatif (Partindo dan PNI-Baru), menjadi tidak berdaya. Akhirnya, Partindo pada bulan Nopember 1930 dibubarkan oleh pengurusnya. Dengan pembubaran Partindo, sedangkan PNI-Baru lumpuh, maka macetlah gerakan non-koperatif. Kandasnya gerakan nonkoperatif menimbulkan pemikiran baru yaitu agar azas perjuangan non-koperasi diganti dengan azas koperasi. Akhirnya, pada tanggal 23 Mei 1937 di Jakarta didirikan partai baru yang koperatif dengan nama Gerakan Rakyat Indonesia (Gerindo). Gerindo bertujuan kemerdekaan politik, ekonomi, dan sosial, yang hendak dicapai dengan berjuang baik di luar maupun di dalam dewan-dewan. Walaupun Gerindo koperasi, namun pemerintah masih mencurigainya. Beberapa rapat untuk mendirikan cabang Gerindo dibubarkan oleh pemerintah karena berbagai macam alasan. Sebagian besar bekas anggota Partindo masuk dalam partai ini. Cabang-cabangnya tersebar hampir merata di seluruh Indonesia. Aktivitas Gerindo dipusatkan pada bidang politik, karena menurutnya kemenangan di bidang ini merupakan jalan utama untuk mencapai kemerdekaan di bidang lainnya. Namun demikian, bidang ekonomi tidak dilupakan karena menurut Gerindo bahwa susunan ekonomi yang baik akan berpengaruh terhadap bidang politik dan sosial. Kegiatan di bidang politik di antaranya ialah sikapnya terhadap Petrisi Sutarjo yang mendukung sebagian isinya; masuk dan aktifnya Gerindo dalam Gapi yang dibentuk tahun 1939; keinginannya untuk membentuk suatu Front Demokrasi guna menghadapi kemungkinan menjalarnya perang ke Indonesia. Kegiatan di bidang ekonomi yaitu didirikannya perkumpulan yang bernama Penuntun Ekonomi Rakyat Indonrsia (PERI) yang bertujuan untuk memperbaiki perekonomian rakyat Indonesia. Di bidang sosial Gerindo membantu sekolah-sekolah nasional dan melakukan pemberantasan buta huruf. Di bidang kepemudaan Gerindo mendirikan perkumpulan pemuda bernama Barisan Pemuda Gerindo. Setelah Jepang menduduki Indonesia, perjuangannya terhenti karena Gerindo dan partai-partai politik lainnya dibubarkan oleh Jepang."