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"In a traditionally Central Moluccan communities spread over the islands of Ambon, Haruka, Saparua, Nusalaut and in particular, Ceram, any conflict between two individuals of different denomination, or between two villages of different creeds, is usually settled in very short time. Conflicts do not spur intervillage riots as the Central Moluccan islanders have a strong commitment to their Pela and Gandong alliances and principles. However, the significance alliance systems had been undermined by the influx of migrants who have settled in the residential areas. The migrants have been totally excluded from the traditional pela system. With the decline influence of the traditional mechanism of authority, the outbreak of communal violence between the sa'lam (Moslem) and thesarane (Christian) inhabitants became unavoidable. The traditional laws have been ineffective as a problems-solving mechanism. The author maintains that it is high time to seriously consider the need to revive and maintain the alliance systems, and to adjust then to the present and future circumstances."

"The Ambonese is a community that underwent changes from time to time as a result of the influence of religion, government's policies and global culture. The changes have further implications. A considerable 'in group' solidarity of village as totality (supported by villagers and their special rights, excluding the newcomers) became segregated because of religion. Religion has taken over the traditional rites. The village as an entity of traditional laws based upon genealogy has undergone changes into a public village. The village has become multi profiled with its activities based on needs, e.g. the ceremonial needs for the benefits of traditions. Traditional institutions that strengthened social relations between villages have weakened as a result of the government's policies, and so is the traditional institutions that fulfill the needs of the traditional community."

"The ethnic conflict in Ambon and Sambas are the result of the same casual factors. The ambivalent and unfair treatment by the armed forces and the police, and the absence of law enforcement, were factors that led to the emergence of these conflicts. Numerous crimes and violent actions (by gangster and preman) Took place. The local people - the Dayak and Malay community of Sambas, and the Ambon communities (both, Moslem and Christian, and also the Bugis, Buton, and Makassar) - took harsh measures without regard for the law. They did so since they could no longer trust the law, the armed forces and the police... [...] in the last part of this article, the author proposes three steps for the solution to the conflicts in both places: the shorts medium, and long term solutions."

"Indonesia is a multicultural society consisting of more than 500 ethnic groups, cultures, and various religious beliefs. They are united as a nation by the national state system of Indonesia. The Indonesian state was built by the founding fathers on the basis of the ideology of 'Unity in Diversity' (Bhinneka Tunggal Ika). During the Soeharto regime, it was turned into a state based on militarism, violence, totalitarianism, and was centered in the hands of the powerful elites. In line with the violence, militarism and totalitarianism, there has been an active use of primordialism (ethnicity and Islamic religion as the political tools). In this article the author presents the essence of Indonesia's multiculturalism and its potentials to unite and break up as a nation, as well as solutions on how to take care and maintain a democratic multiculturalism."

"Based on data from fieldwork in Mentawai, this article discusses the researcher?s interest in traditional medicine actors among the Mentawai people, namely Sekerei. The appeal of a Sekerei is realized through their modest daily lives, despite the effect these days of power from outside and modernity, that has so heavily eroded the local knowledge available. Sekerei are diminishing numbers, and medicinal herb findings are diminishing annually, showing that traditional healers have been split into two parts, namely fixed synergized with traditional natural life, or becoming a very important part in the globalization that is gripping the power of a Sekerei."

"The intention of this article is to discuss the relationship between the processes of fiscal and political decentralization, the outbreak of communal violence, and what I call 'the new politics of tradition' in Indonesia. In 1999 under the President Jusuf Habibie, the Indonesian parliament (DPR) voted in favour of two laws, No. 22 and 25 of 1999, which promised to leave a significant share of state revenues in the hands of the regional governments. Strongly supported by the liberal ideologues of the IMF and the World Bank, the two laws were envisaged within Indonesia as a necessary step towards devolving the centralized power of New Order patrimonialism and as a way of curbing separatism and demands for autonomy by giving the regional governments the constitutional and financial wherewithal to maintain a considerable degree of self-determination. Decentralization was in other words touted as the anti-dote to communal violence and separatist tendencies-an anti-dote administered or at least prescribed by multi-national development agencies in most conflict-prone areas of the world. This paper wishes to probe this idea by looking at the conflict and post-conflict situation in North Maluku. The conflict illustrates how local elites began jockeying for political control in anticipation of decentralization. The process of decentralization is in other words not merely an anti-dote but in some cases an implicated part in the production of violence. One reason for this is simply that the decentralization of financial and political control after three decades of centralization entails a significant shift in the parameters of hegemony-a shift towards which local political entrepreneurs in the regions are bound to react. The new 'politics of tradition' currently emerging in Indonesia is the combined result of changes in global forms of governance, a strong political focus on ethnic and religious identity in the 'era reformasi' and a local willingness to employ these identities to garner support in the new political landscape of decentralization."

"This paper is written based on the author's research on the policy of Chinese assimilation in two types of high school in Medan (1985-1986). Based on education policy issued in 1975,Indonesian students of Chinese descent are brought to contact with 'local students' to absorb so-called National culture through assimilation in schools. The author specifies two models of assimilation school, one is public schools, and the other is private schools with certain religious affiliations. There are seven indicators to measure successful assimilation (cultural, structural, amalgamations, identification, attitude, behaviour, and civic education) which show that the overall success of the assimilation agenda is still open to question if not unexpected. However, the author remarks that surprisingly, the assimilation process seems to have met with greater success in religious schools rather than public schools and he also critically points out that the basic assumption of assimilation is misleading and does not support the enrichment of a multicultural society."

"This paper is written based on the author's research on the policy of Chinese assimilation in two types of high school in Medan (1985-1986). Based on education policy issued in 1975,Indonesian students of Chinese descent are brought to contact with 'local students' to absorb so-called National culture through assimilation in schools. The author specifies two models of assimilation school, one is public schools, and the other is private schools with certain religious affiliations. There are seven indicators to measure successful assimilation (cultural, structural, amalgamations, identification, attitude, behaviour, and civic education) which show that the overall success of the assimilation agenda is still open to question if not unexpected. However, the author remarks that surprisingly, the assimilation process seems to have met with greater success in religious schools rather than public schools and he also critically points out that the basic assumption of assimilation is misleading and does not support the enrichment of a multicultural society."

"This paper provides an outline for the study of the role of the social sciences in the study of the workings of civil society in the context of Indonesian and Malaysian Islam. It begins with a discussion on the concepts of civil society and masyarakat madani, term often mistranslated and misunderstood as civil society. It is through a comparison of the two that the relevance of civil society in terms of its theory and practice to Islam is established. Next, I turn to a discussion of the types of use of the social sciences by the various components of civil society. This is followed by a discussion on the need for an account of the impact of the social sciences on public discourse, policy-makers, legislators and NGOs. To the extent that the social sciences do impact in the above arenas, how we may understand the relevance of Islam in this respect is addressed. I conclude by way of an exposition of the relationship between the concepts of civil society and masyarakat madani in the context of the need for a moral public."

"The decision of Supreme Court of Justice as the formal legal system should have been strongly applied to solve legal matters such as the problem of inheritance. Among the social life of Karo, a sub-ethnic group of the Batak of North Sumatera, the national legal system which should be applied to all citizens in Indonesia, has not yet been able to be fully accepted due to the discrepancies of the nature of legal system with the nature of cultural system of the people and their customary law."