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"ABSTRAKSkripsi ini berfokus pada pembahasan mengenai perubahan strategi politik HusniMubarak dari eksklusi politik menuju inklusi politik di tahun 2000 dan sesudahnya.Krisis legitimasi yang dihadapi oleh Husni Mubarak diduga menjadi sebab terhadapperubahan strategi politik Husni Mubarak tersebut. Selain berfokus pada pembahasanmengenai perubahan strategi politik Husni Mubarak, penulis juga berfokus padaperolehan suara IM pada Pemilu Legislatif 2000 dan 2005. Melalui teori krisislegitimasi dan oposisi politik, penulis melihat bahwa inklusi politik Husni Mubarakdidasari atas krisis legitimasi yang ia hadapi. Inklusi politik tersebut pada akhirnyamembuka ruang bagi IM untuk meningkatkan perolehan suaranya di tahun 2000-2005.

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ABSTRACTThis thesis focuses on changing in Husni Mubarak political strategy from politicalexclusion to political inclusion in 2000 and post-2000. Legitimation crisis faced byHusni Mubarak is considered as a cause on his political strategy change. Moreover,this thesis also focuses on the rising of IM electoral gaining in Egypt ParliamentaryElection 2000 and 2005. By legitimation and political opposition theory, authorconsiders that Husni Mubarak’s political inclusion is based on crisis legitimationfaced by him. Finally, this inclusion has given political space for IM to increase itselectoral gaining in both parliamentary election."

"The research of this thesis aims to know the position of Ikhwanul Muslimin's movement which grows and develops in Egypt, track the genealogy and the history of Ikhwanul Muslimin, the concept and the movement as well as the prominent figures who have influence in the social political movement in Egypt. Besides describing the position of Ikhwanul Muslimin, the research also tries to reveal its influence to the social political changes in Kinanah.

In the research, the writer uses qualitative approach with descriptive study method through literature study and interview with experts in this field. One of the findings is that the influence of Ikhwanul Muslimin upon the social political changes in Egypt is very dominant through the interaction process of the prominent figures and the followers of Ikhwanul Muslimin with the Egyptian leaders.

Since its existence (1928), the political map in Egypt has entered new era. The policies of the leading authority in Egypt have experienced changes, rise and fall, because of their interaction with Ikhwanul Muslimin. The writer classifies the interaction between Ikhwanul Muslimin and the government of Egypt into two periods. They are pre-revolution and post-revolution.

First, was pre-revolution period. The encounter between Ikhwanul Muslimin and Egypt government were often colored by conspiracy, oppression, which later welcomed with demonstration and competition in fighting for power. Ahmad Mahir Pasha?s government frightened their rooted power, until they tried to hamper Ikhwan in election competition by counterfeiting the result of the election, hampering the candidates and arresting the Ikhwanul Muslimin's activists. The strict policy towards Ikhwan was also inherited by Ahmad Mahir Pasha's substitute, al-Nuqrasyi Pasha who suspected Ikhwan as the responsible one for the killing of Ahmad lvlahir Pasha. Al-Nugrasyi Paslia'policy had brought about demonstration by Ikhwanul Muslimin,which resulted in the stepping down of al-Nuqrasyi in February 15, 1946.

Looking at the two-generation leadership - Ahmad Mahir Pasha and al-Nuqrasy Pasha - which failed, Ismail Shidqi Pasha who replaced al-Nugrasyi attempted to accommodate the aspiration of Ikhwanul Muslimin. His leadership strategy was to approach Ikhwanul Muslimin and persuade its prominent figures to cooperate. This brought advantages to the government, but disadvantaged Ikhwanul Muslimin which got attack and slander from Wafd and Communist Parties. They also accused that Ikhwanul Muslimin was on the government side while they would always be critical towards the government's policy.

Second, post-revolution period. There were three government in Egypt that included Ikhwanul Muslimin in this post-revolution era; directly as well as indirectly, through confrontative radical interaction and also moderate one.

First, the era of Gamal Abdunnasser. Although Nasser and revolution got the support from Ikhwanul Muslimin at first, Ikhwanul Muslimin opposed it after it was proved that Nasser didn't intend to build Islamic country, and promoted nasionalism and socialism of secular Arab instead. When the relationship with IIkhwanul Muslimin became worse, sporadic war occurred between the government and the Ikhwanul Muslimin, which in many occasions turned out to be violence. Finally in 1966, Nasser decisively eradicated lkhwanul Muslimin until its roots, executed the main ideologist Sayyid Qutb and other figures, arrested and jailed thousands of people, and chased after other members that they hid or ran into exile. Before the end of Nasser period, the country had shackled religious institution and gagged Islamic opposition, including Ikhwanul Muslimin.

Second, Anwar Sadat era, who governed from 1971 to 1981, inherited Egypt from Nasser. He got the authority when Arab was beginning to get up from its fall in 1967 and after Nasser's death. Sadat realized this condition, so that he tried to form his own identity and political legitimating, taking advantage of Islam to eliminate Nasseris and left group. But, Sadat's accommodative policy didn't last long, authoritarian covered Sadat back and the eradication to his opponent was greater, including to those who criticized his home affair and foreign affair policies. This act reached a peak in 1981, when Sadat jailed more than 1500 people from all walks of life; Islamic activists, lawyers, doctors, journalists, lecturers, political opponents and previous governmental ministers. These restrains triggered the more radical Islamic opposition which finally culminated in the killing of Anwar Sadat, in November 3, 1981 by the followers of Jamaah Al-Jihad while he was visiting the military parade commemorating the 1973 war.

Third, Husni Mubarak, who was previously the vice president, filled in the position of president with new spirit and strategy. The style of President Muharak as well as the awakening of Islam experienced changes in the 80s after the death of Sadat. While the Islam awakening's style in 1970s revealed as confrontative and violent movement, in 1980s the Islamic movement entered the main stream and the organization of Islam activists.

Mubarak's policies were more careful, attempting political liberalization and tolerance, while at the same time he took quick and decisive action to those who wanted to use violence to oppose the government authority. He carefully separated religious opponents, political opponents, and direct threats to the country. Mubarak's government was more accommodative to its opponents, giving space for them to voice their aspiration. He thought that Ikhwanul Muslimin and other religious opponents were proves of Islam awakening, and also the search of their relation format with the country."

"Ikhwanul Muslimin yang didirikan oleh Hasan al-Banna, selain sebuah gerakan keagamaan juga merupakan sebuah gerakan politik, di satu sisi pemikirannya ini dianggap membawa perbaikan terhadap moral dan keberagamaan, tetapi di sisi lain secara politik gerakan ini cendrung mendapat stiqma negatif , sebagian kalangan menganggap bahwa pemikirannya merupakan salah satu pemikiran frndamentalis, pemikiran yang identik dengan radikalisme, ekstrimisme, fanatisme bahkan terorisme, di Mesir, tempat kelompok ini didirikan dalam pergerakannya bercita-cita menegakkan syariat dan hukum Islam, gerakan trans nasional ini mengusung tdeologi Islam, di Indonesia, sebagian kalangan mengangeep pemikiran politik ini berbahaya bagi ideologi Pancasila serta pada saainya akan menjadi ancaman bagi keutuhan NKRI. Berdasarkan permasalahan diatas tesis ini membahas tentang ancaman pemikiran infiltrast pemikiran politik Icwanut Muslimin terbadan sistem pemerintahen Indonesia yang merupakan tela’ahan terhadap pemikiran politik Hasan al-Banna, agar dapat menjelaskan dan mepgungkapkan secara mendalam tentang pemikiran konsep dan paham dan tentang sistem pemerintahan negara. Di metode anelitis deskriptif yang sumber-sumber datanya ditela’ah melalui penelitian kepustakaan dengan diklasiftkasikan kepada jenis data, yaitu data primer dan data sekunder. Dalam penelitian ini penulis menemukan bahwa pemikiran politik Hasan al-Banna banyak berakar dari menanggapi kondisi sosial masyarakat Mesir pada waktu itu, terutama pendudukan Ingeris di Mesir dan pemikiran tokoh-tokoh pembaharu Islam sebelumnya, hal inilah yang menjadi salah satu faktor lahirnya Ikhwanul Muslimin yang terkesan militan dan radikal, yang bertujuan mengembalikan masyarakat Mesir kepada ajaran Islam yang mumi. Menurut Hasan al-Banna Islam merupakan agama yang universal, ajarannya mencakup semua aspek kehidupan. Islam adalah negara, ekonomi, politik, hukum dan lainya. Sistem demokrasi didukungnya dalam menentukan sistem pemerintahan, pendapatnya bahwa Islam tidak menentukan sistem tertentu yang harus dipilih oleh umat Islam, islam membebaskan umainya untuk memilih sistem pemerintahannya sendiri asalkan menerapkan dan memperjuangkan syari‘at Islam. Baginya ada tiga pilar yang menjadi penopang pemerintahan Islam, yakni rasa tanggung jawab pemerintah, kesatuan masyarakat dan menghargai aspirasi rakyat. Pemerintahan merupakan salah satu dari pilar agama, sehingga keduanya saling berhubungan. Agama memerlukan pemerintahan sebagai lahan penerapan ajaranajarannya dan memanfaatkan kekuasaan negara untuk memperjuangkan agama. Sedangkan pemerintahan memerlukan agama sebagai ideologinya dan mewarnai kehidupan dalam suatu negara.

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Movement of the Muslim Brotherhood founded by Hasan al-Banna, other than a religious movement is also a political movement, at one side of this movement is considered to briag improvements to the moral and the diversity, but on the other side of the political movement tends to have negative stiqma, some circles consider that this movement is one of the fundamentalist movement, a movement synonymous with radicalism, extremism, fanaticism and even terrorism, in Egypt, where the movement was founded in the movement aspires to enforce the Shari'a and Islamic law, transnational movement was carrying the ideology of Islam, in Indonesia, some circles considered a dangerous ideclogy of this movement for the ideology of Pancasila, and in time will become a threat to the integrity of NKRE.

Based on this thesis discusses issues concemming the Muslim view Ikwanul movemeni against the state goverment system that is tela’ahan to the political thought of Hasan al-Banna, in order to explain and express in depth about the concepts, understanding and views about the system of sfate government. In doing this research, the author uses descriptive analytical method, qualitative approach to data sources through library research ditela'ah with diklasiftkasikan to the type of file, ie primary and secondary file.

In this research the author discovered that the political thought of Hasan al-Banna was a lot of roots in Egyptian society responded to the social conditions at the time, especially the British occupation of Egypt and the thought leaders of Isiamic reformer before, this is what became one of the factors which the birth of the Muslim Brotherhood movement impressed the militant and radical, which © aims to restore the Egyptian society to the pure teachings of Islam, in accordance with Quran and Hadith. according to Hasan al-Banna, Islam is a universal religion, teachings cover all aspects of life. Islam is the state, economic, political, fegal and others. Supports the democratic system in determining the system of government, his view that Islam does not specify a particular system should be elected by Muslims, Islam frees people to choose their own government system and fight for as long as applying Islamic shari‘ah. For him there are three pillars to support the Islamic government, namely a sense of responsibility of the government, the unity of society and appreciate the people's aspirations. Government was one of the pillars of religion, so both are interconnected, Religion requires government as a commercial application of his teachings and using state power to fight for religion. While the government requires religion as ideology and the color of life in a country."

"ABSTRAKTesis ini membahas pro dan kontra sosialisasi politik pemcrintahan Husni Mubarak di al-Azhar. Penclitian ini adalah pcnclitian kualitatif dengan desain deskriptifi Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa hampir semua sistem pendidikan di Mesir dikontrol oleh Negara dan dijaclikan alat pelanggcngan kekuasaan pemerintahan Husni Mubarak. Sosialisasi politik Husni Mubarak dilakukan melalui kontrol terhadap kurikulum pendidikan, dan lebih khususnya lagi melalui pendidikan kewargaan (civic education) yang diajarkan satu jam dalam scminggu pada sckolah mcnengah. Tcrkait dcngan materi-materi pendidikan agama, pemerintah Husni Mubarak melalui Kementezian Pendidikan Mcsir mengontrol dan mengarahkan supaya dalam pembelajarannya berorientasi pada pcrsatuan nasional, karcna pendidikan dimasukan dalam isu keamanan nasional. Di perguruan tinggi-perguruan tinggi Mesir, pemerintah Husni Mubarak melakukan rcfrcsi akademik-dalam upaya penanaman orientasi politiknya-melalui mangan kelas, lapangan penelitian, dan sensor buku. Sebagai lembaga pendidikan yang tertua di Mesir, bahkan di dunia Islam, al-Azhar memiiiki peran yang signiiikan dalam kehidupan politik dan sosial masyarakat Mcsir, karcnanya ia mcnjadi suluh satu agen sosialisasi politik pemerintahan Husni Mubarak.Sosialisasi politik pemerintahan Husni Mubarak di al-Azhar mcndapat tantangan dari kelompok oposisi temtama kelompok lkhwanul Muslimn yang khawatir akan terseretnya kuiikulurn dan tekbook al-Azhar yang mcngarah kepada sekuler, dan pada akhimya akun menghilangkan indcpendensi al-Azhar schingga melemahkan otoritas keagamaan al-Azhar. Orientasi politik menjadi faktor pcnycbab pro dan kontra sosialisasi politik. Semakin al-Azhar tidak indcpcndcn akan scmakin mudah pcmerintahan Husni Mubarak untuk melakukan politisasi al- Azhar, sebaliknya semakin al-Azhar indcpcndcn akan semakin sulit pemerintah Husni Mubarak untuk mclakukan politisasi al-Azhar.Hasil pcnclitian ini mcnyarankan kcpada al-Azhar umuk memperkuat independensi al-Azhar denganmeminta dikembalikannya pengelolaan wakafsecara penuh kepada al-Azhar, scrta pemilihan Syekh al-Azhar dilakukan olch para ulama senior al-Azhar bukan sepeni saat ini yang, dipilih oleh Prcsidcn. Kcpada pemerintahan Mesir supaya mengeluarkan aturan bam yzuig mcncabut aturan launa tentang pendidikan al-Azhar lcrkuil dcngan pcmilihan Syckh al-Azhar.

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ABSTRACThis thesis will be focussed at pro`s and C0l.lI1°S of political socialization of the government of Husni Mubarak in al-Azhar. This research is qualitative rescarch with descriptive design. Research result indicates that most of all education system in Egypt controlled by State and made by appliance of continuity power of the govemment Husni Mubarak. Political socialization of llusni Mubarak govemment is done through control to education curriculum, and more specially again passed education of citizen (civic education) which one taught hour clock within a week at high school. Related to matter education of religions, the government of Husni Mubarak pass Ministry of education of Egypt control and point so that in the study orient at national association, because education is national security issue. In Egyptian universities, the govemment of Husni Mubarak repress in academic freedom-an effort cultivation of his political orientation-using classroom, research, and censorship of course books. As lslam?s most prestigious institute of teaming, al-Azhar have role which significant in life of politics and social of Egypt public, hence he become one of political socialization agent of llusni Mubarak government.Political socialization ofthe govemment of Husni Mubarak in al-Azhar get challenge from group of opposition especially group of Ikhwanul Muslimin partying to the curriculum drag of and textbook al-Azhar instructing to secular, and in the end will eliminate iudependency al-Azhar causing weaken religious authority al-Azhar. Political orientation become the cause of pro?s and coun?s of political socialization. During system govemment of authority Egypt hence al- Azhar will continuously become agent of government of political socialization. Progressively al-Azhar is not be independent would progressively easy the government of Husni Mubarak to do politicking of al-Azhar, on the contrary progressively al-Azhar is independent would progressively difficult the government of Husni Mubarak for doing politicking al-Azhar.This research result suggest to al-Azhar for strengthening independency al-Azhar by asking for to retum it the management waqf fully to al-Azhar, and also election of Syckh al-Azhar done by of seniors inoslem scholars (ultima) al-Azhar are not like in this time selected by President. The Egypt govemment so that spend new order abstracting old order conceming education. of al-Azhar related to election of Syckh al-Azhar."

"Tesis ini membahas perbedaan pandangan politik antara al-Azhar dan Ikhwanul Muslimin dalam kudeta terhadap Presiden Mohammad Morsi pada 3 Juli 2013 lalu, pembahasan ini menjadi menarik karena al-Azhar sebagai lembaga keagamaan yang paling berpengaruh di dunia Islam pada umumnya dan Mesir pada khususnya, ikut mendukung kudeta militer yang dipimpin oleh Jenderal Abdul Fattah al-Sisi terhadap Morsi, presiden Mesir pertama yang terpilih secara demokratis dan juga diusung oleh gerakan Islam terbesar di abad 21 yaitu Ikhwanul Muslimin. Selain itu karena belum ada penelitian yang secara khusus membahas perbedaan dua lembaga ini dalam kudeta terhadap presiden Mursi. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif causal explanation, yaitu penelitian yang berusaha untuk menjelaskan penyebab dari fenomena yang diamati. Adapun metode analisis data yang akan dipakai penulis dalam penelitian ini ialah analisis isi yaitu analisis data yang dilakukan melalui kajian-kajian terhadap berbagai dokumen yang berkaitan dengan topik penelitian. Untuk mendapatkan data yang akan dianalisis, penulis menggunakan metode pengumpulan data berupa studi pustaka.Tujuan peneletian ini ada dua; teoritis dan praktis. Secara teoritis memberikan kontribusi ilmiah bagi aplikasi teori dengan kerangka konseptual mengenai gerakan Islam, demokrasi dan persatuan Islam. Dan secara praktis, tesis ini diharapkan memberikan rekomendasi ilmiah berupa kerangka kerjasama antara gerakan Islam atau antara negara dan lembaga-lembaga Islam.Juga diharapkan menjadi kontribusi bagi kehidupan beragama dan bernegara di Indonesia sebagai negara muslim berpenduduk terbesar di dunia, dengan menjadikan lembaga-lembaga agama sebagai asset negara dan pendukung nasionalisme.

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This thesis discusses the political differences between al-Azhar and the Muslim Brotherhood in a coup against President Mohammed Morsi on July 3, 2013. The discussion becomes interesting because of al-Azhar as one of the most influntial religious institutions in the Islamic world in general and Egypt in particular, supporting the military coup led by General Abdul Fattah al-Sisi against Morsi, the first president of Egypt's who was democratically elected and also promoted by the largest Islamic movement in the 21st century, namely the Muslim Brotherhood. There is no studies that specifically addresses the differences between these two institutions in a coup against the president Mursi.

This study used qualitative methods named causal explanation, the research seeks to explain the causes of the observed phenomena. The method of data analysis will be used in this research is the analysis of the content. Analysis of the content is the data analysis was done through studies of various documents related to the research topic. To get the data, the author uses the method of data collection in the form of literature.

There are two purposes of this study; theoretical and practical. Theoretically, this study hopefully will provide scientific contributions to the conceptual framework of the Islamic movement, democracy and unity of Islam. Practically, this thesis is expected to provide scientific recommendations in the form of a framework of cooperation between the Islamic movement or between the state and Islamic institutions. This research is also expected to be a contribution to the religion and state in Indonesia as the country with the largest number of Muslim population in the world, by making the religious institutions as the country's assets and nationalism."

"Skripsi ini membahas mengenai strategi marketing politik studi tentang promosi dalam peningkatan suara anggota legislatif (DPR-RI) Partai Gerindra di Jawa Barat pada pemilu legislatif 2014. Kasus ini di analisis menggunakan teori marketing politik. Pada teori ini, penulis menekankan terhadap komponen promosi. Promosi yang dilakukan oleh Partai Gerindra dapat dilihat dalam 6 kelompok saluran komunikasi politik, yaitu saluran komunikasi politik lini atas, saluran komunikasi politik lini bawah, saluran komunikasi dengan special event, saluran komunikasi politik dengan media baru, saluran komunikasi politik dengan komunikasi antar pribadi, dan saluran komunikasi politik dengan media tradisional. Studi ini menemukan bahwa Partai Gerindra memaksimalkan berbagai media yang tersedia dan struktur jaringan partai yang ada dalam mempromosikan partai. Strategi promosi yang dilakukan oleh Partai Gerindra memberikan hasil perolehan suara sebesar 2.378.762 dan 10 kursi dalam pemilihan legislatif 2014 di Jawa Barat.

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This undergraduate-thesis analyzes about political marketing strategy study about promotion in increasing the votes member of parliaments (House of Representative of Indonesia Republic) Gerindras Party in West Java in legislative election 2014. This case using the political marketing theory. On this theory, writer focus on component of promotion. Promotion carried out by the Gerindras Party can be seen from 6 groups of political communication channels, consisting of political communication channel above the line, political communication channel below the line, political communication channel with special events, political communication channel with new media, political communication channel with interpersonal communication, political communication channel with traditional media. The study finds that Gerindras Party maximize the various available media and the network structure of the parties that are in promoting the party. Promotion strategy carried out by Gerindras Party give the result of the vote amounting 2.378.762 and 10 seats in legislative election 2015 in West Java."

"Skripsi ini membahas tentang pariwisata di Mesir dari sudut pandang kebudayaan dan sejarah di era Husni Mubarak. Tujuannya adalah untuk memaparkan objek-objek pariwista dan kebudayaann secara rinci di Mesir serta kebijakan-kebiiakan dan dampak pariwisata di era Husni Mubarak. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode deskriptif analitis di mana penulis menguraikan secara rinci objek-objek pariwisata Mesir serta menganalisis kebijakan serta dampak pariwisata terhadap pembangunan di Mesir. Hasil dari penelitian ini berupa fakta bahwa Mesir memiliki potensi yang besar untuk mengembangkan seklor pariwisatanya. Hal ini ini didukung dengan sistus-situs bersejarah dan festival kebudayaan yang dapat digunakan untuk mengembangkan afraksi-afraksi baru guna menarik kedatangan wisatawan Ke daerah ini dapat memberikan keuntungan bagi perkembangan sektor pariwisata Mesir.

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The focus on this snrdy is describing tourism in Egypt from historical and cultural point of view in the era of Hosni Mubarak. The objective is to explain in detail objects and cultural tourism in Egypt as well as the policies and impact of tourism in the era of Hosni Mubarak. The method applied in this research is analytical descriptive-method whereby fhe author analyzes the policies and the impact of tourism on the development of Egypt.

As a result, this research is intended to inform that Egypt has still a lot of potential to develop their tourism sector. This conclusion is proved by so many historic sites and cultural festivals that can still be used to invent new attraction to attract tourist. This condition can give benefits for development of Egypt's tourism sector."

"Penelitian dalam tesis ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui posisi dua organisasi gerakan dakwah dan politik Islam, yaitu Ikhwanul Musalimin dan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera yang tumbuh dan berkembang di dua kawasan yang berbeda, khususnya yang berkaitan dengan isu relasi Islam dan negara. Selain mendeskripsikan posisi kedua organisasi diatas ditengah-tengah pemikiran politik Islam, penelitian ini jugs mencoba mengungkapkan pengaruh satu organisasi terhadap yang lainnya dalam kaitan pemikiran hubungan politik dan agama.Penelitian ini menggunakan metode diskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif melalui studi pustaka dan wawancara mendalam terhadap orang yang dianggap ahli dalam bidang yang diteliti serta berbagai sumber lainnya. Berrnula dari temuan akar permasalahan berupa perdebatan politik dalam Islam, kemudian mengungkapkan satu persatu dari dua organisasi yang diteliti dan proses pengaruh gerakan dakwah lkhwanul Muslimin terhadap Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, khususnya tentang masalah hubungan Islam dan negara.Temuan penelitian ini antara lain adalah, bahwa pengaruh Ikhwanul Muslimin terhadap Partai Keadilan Sejahtera sangat dominan melalui proses pemikiran yang dibawa oleh para alumni perguruan di Timur Tengah dan penerbitan buku terjemahan karya tokoh-tokoh Ikhwanul Muslimin yang kemudian banyak dijadikan materi kaderisasi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, bahkan secara ekstrim bisa dikatakan bahwa PK-Sejahtera itu Ikhwanul Muslimin yang diindonesiakan, dalam artian dominasi tersebut sangat kental, namun disesuaikan dengan kondisi masyarakat Indonesia dan atau ditambah dengan mengambil metode gerakan Islam lainnya. Walaupun hubungan keduanya sangat mirip dan dekat, namun secara organisatoris, hal tersebut tidak dicantumkan dalam AD/ART partai ataupun statuta kebijakan politik lainnya.Khusus tentang pemikiran politik Islam yang berkaitan dengan negara, kedua organisasi ini meneruskan tradisi pemikiran Sunni yang menginginkan tegaknya kekhalifahan, namun dalam upaya ke arah itu, PK-Sejahtera mengambil langkah politik yang moderat, untuk saat ini mereka lebih mengkonsentrasikan terhadap upaya islamisasi masayarakat Indonesia dibawah naungan NKRI dengan memperjuangkan nilai-nilai Islam (maqasid al-syari'ah) terhadap kehidupan individu, sosial dan negara; seperti mengentas kemiskinan, menegakkan keadilan dan memberantas KKN.

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This research would like to explore the position of two da'wah movements and Islamic politics; Ikhwanul Muslimin and Justice Party of Welfare (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera) which grows and develops in two different areas, especially, in the correlation with the issue on Islam and state relation. Besides, it would like to describe the position of certain organizations in Islamic political thought, this research would like to express the one's influence to another in the discourse on the relation between religion and politics.

This research used descriptive method with qualitative perspective through library research, depth interview with the experts and other sources. Based on the problem on political polemic in Islam, this research will explore two studied organizations and the influencing process of Ikhwanul Muslimin toward Justice Party of Welfare, especially, on the relation between Islam and state.

The results of this research: the influence of Ikhwanul Muslimin toward Justice Party of Welfare is very dominant through the spread ideas brought by Middle East universities' alumni and published translating book written by Ikhwanul Muslimin leaders that is used as the matters of Justice Party of Welfare cadre education. Moreover, Justice Party of Welfare can be claimed, extremely, as Indonesian Ikhwanul Muslimin, but appropriated with the condition of Indonesia society and added by using other Islamic movement method. Although, there is close correlation between certain organizations, but in the sense of organization, it is not grafted in the bill of organization or other political policies.

Especially, on the discourse of Islamic politics which related with state, both organizations continues Sunni tradition that want to upright khilafah, but to achieve that goal, Justice Party of Welfare uses moderate political steps. Now days, they give more concentration on Islamization of Indonesian society in the shadow of United State of Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) by struggling Islamic values (maqashid al-syari'ah) toward the life of individual, social and state; such as, poverty solving, justice upright and corruption erasing."

"Skripsi ini membahas tentang unsur al-ma’ani dalam pidato presiden Husni Mubarak pada revolusi Mesir, yaitu pidato tanggal 1 Februari 2011. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian kualitatif dengan kajian struktur yang bersifat deskripsi analitik. Teori yang digunakan adalah teori pidato dan ilmu al-ma’ani. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa unsur al-ma’ani yang dominan dalam pidato Mubarak ini adalah unsur al-khabar thalabi dengan tujuan faidah al-khabar dan unsur al-ithnab. Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa pidato Mubarak ini bersifat penjelasan dan penegasan terhadap kondisi kirisis Mesir yang disampaikan Mubarak dalam pidatonya saat itu.

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This research observes the element of al-ma’ani in President Husni Mubarak’s speech, which happened on February 1st, 2011, on Egypt revolution. The method used in this research is qualitative method, by using analytical-description structural study. The theories used in this research are speech theory and alma’ani.

The analytical result shows that the most dominating al-ma’ani elements in the speech are al-khabar thalabi element, with purpose of faidah al-khabar, and al-ithnab element. This result shows that Mubarak’s speech is categorized as explanation and consolidation of the crisis surrounded Egypt at that time."

"ABSTRAKPasca reformasi 98 menjadi babak baru bagi Partai Golkar. Dulu sebagai partaipemenang pemilu berturut-turut dengan meraup suara 70%-an ketika zaman OrdeBaru. Kini suaranya semakin menurun hingga mencapai 14%-an untuk saat ini.Konsekuensinya penguasaan di pemerintah dan parlemen tidaklah semaksimalseperti zaman sebelumnya. Kondisi ini terjadi karena beberapa sebab seperti;penarikan dukungan oleh birokrasi dan ABRI sebagai kekuatan Orde Baru,melemahnya mesin politik Golkar, konflik internal, munculnya partai-partai baru,beralihnya massa mengambang ke partai lain dan sistem pemilu yang telahberubah. Merespon kondisi tersebut maka diperlukan desain strategi politik dalamrangka pemenangan pada Pemilu 2019. Beban bertambah pada Pemilu 2019diselenggarakan secara serentak. Pemilu legislatif dan presiden dilakukan dalamsatu putaran waktu. Tentunya bagi semua partai peserta pemilu belum mempunyaipengalaman dalam membuat desain strategi pemenangan. Termasuk bagi PartaiGolkar. Tergambar tantangan bagi Partai Golkar pemilu 2019 akan semakinkompleks. Dengan demikian perlu upaya dini membuat desain strategi politikPartai Golkar dalam menghadapi Pemilu 2019. Jenis penelitian ini adalahpenelitian kualitatif. Pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui wawancara mendalamkepada pengurus harian Partai Golkar tahun 2009-2014 yang membidangipemenangan. Hasil wawancara mendalam sebagai data primer dan didukung olehstudi literatur dan data media sebagai data sekunder. Proses analisa dilakukanmenggunakan dua teknik yakni: analisa timeline dan analisa PESTL. Analisatimeline menganalisa kondisi internal Partai Golkar berdasar kronologi waktu dariawal berdiri hingga 2015. Hasil analisa ini menjelaskan dinamika dan perubahanpola Partai Golkar saat zaman Orde Baru dengan Pasca Reformasi. Sedangkananalisa PESTL mengambarkan lingkungan eksternal yang mempengaruhi PartaiGolkar dalam menghadapi Pemilu 2019. Dua hasil analisa tersebut menjadi bahandalam merumuskan desain strategi politik Partai Golkar menghadapi Pemilu2019. Dari hasil penelitian, desain strategi tersebut terdapat empat cakupan utamayakni: modernisasi partai, pendekatan massa mengambang, pengelolaan isu danrekayasa legalitas.

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ABSTRACTPost-reform era is a new phase for the Golkar Party. When First as the partywinning the elections in a row to garner 70% -an when the New Order era. Now itdecreases until 14% -an for now. Consequently tenure in government andparliament is not as much as the previous times. This condition occurs due toseveral reasons such as; withdrawal of support by the bureaucracy and themilitary as the power of the New Order, the weakening of the Golkar politicalmachine, internal conflict, the emergence of new parties, the shift to a floatingmass of other parties and the chancing of electoral system. Responding to theseconditions, it is necessary to design a political strategy in order to award the2019 Election Expenses increased in the 2019 election held simultaneously.Legislative and presidential elections carried out in one round time. Of course,for all the parties participating in the election does not have experience in makingdesign winning strategies. Including the Golkar Party. Illustrated the challengefor the Golkar Party in 2019 elections will be more complex. Thus the need tomake early efforts to design a political strategy in the face of the Golkar PartyElection 2019. This research is a qualitative. Data collected through in-depthinterview to the daily board of the Golkar Party in 2009-2014 . The results of indepthinterviews as the primary data and supported by the literature and datamedia as secondary data. The analysis process is done using two techniquesnamely; PESTL timeline analysis and analysis. Timeline analysis to analyze theinternal condition of the Golkar Party based on the chronology of time from astanding start to 2015. The results of this analysis to explain the dynamics andchanges in the pattern of the Golkar Party when the New Order era to the Post-Reformation. While the analysis PESTL external environment affecting portrait ofthe Golkar Party in the face of Election 2019. Two results of this analysis arebeing incorporated into the design to formulate political strategy to face theGolkar Party Election 2019. From the research, the design of the strategy, thereare four main coverage namely: the modernization of the party, mass approachesfloating, management and engineering issues of legality"