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Abstrak :
Indonesia merupakan bangsa polietnik yang terdiri dari keberagaman suku bangsa. Salah satu kelompok minoritas yaitu suku bangsa Tionghoa masih menjadi perdebatan mengenai penerimaannya sebagai bagian dari masyarakat Indonesia. Beberapa pihak menyatakan tidak setuju jika kelompok Tionghoa dianggap bagian masyarakat asli Indonesia. Orang Tionghoa kini mencari identitas diri dan mengartikan Tionghoa dalam kehidupan mereka. Keluarga merupakan agen yang penting mengenalkan identitas sebagai Tionghoa. Penguatan identitas terjadi ketika berinteraksi dengan orang di luar kelompoknya khususnya di sekolah. Mengamati orang muda di Belitung dalam pemaknaan identitas dari cara mereka menjalankan tradisi Tionghoa dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. Perkembangan zaman membawa pengaruh terhadap pandangan pemuda Tionghoa mengenai identitas kesukubangsaan dan identitas nasional. Kondisi sosial, ekonomi, dan politik setempat turut mempengaruhi pemaknaan identitas suatu kelompok. Pemuda Tionghoa di Belitung menyadari posisi mereka sebagai warga negara Indonesia namun tidak melupakan asul usul nenek moyang serta tradisi yang diwariskan. Menjadi Tionghoa bukan sebuah pilihan melainkan didapatkan dari keluarga. Proses sosialisasi yang terus menerus dilakukan menghasilkan pemaknaan identitas diri oleh orang muda Tionghoa Belitung. ...... Indonesia is a polytethnic nation that is very rich in ethnic diversities. One of the minority groups is ethnic Tionghoa that is still in a debate regarding the approval as a ethnic group of Indonesian. Some groups in Indonesia refuse to accept the ethnic Tionghoa group as a part of the Indonesian people circle. The Tionghoa people in Indonesia have been searching for their identities and meanings of being a 'Tionghoa' in their daily lives. Family is an important agent to introduce and nurture someone's identity as a 'Tionghoa'. Confirmation of 'Tionghoa' as an identity occurs whenever they interact with someone with different ethnic background. This social phenomenon especially happens in school. This paper highlights how 'Tionghoa' as a social identity is always in the process of lsquo meaning making'regarding their lived tradition among the daily lives of Tionghoa youth in the context of modernity that clearly influences their perspectives about ethnic identity and national identity. Besides that, the social, economic and political conditions in a local context also influence the lsquo meaning making'of a group's idenity. The Tionghoa youth in Belitung realizes their position as Indonesian citizens, yet they also do not forget their ancestors and tradition. Due to the continuous socialization process from the family that influences them to interpret their social identity, being a 'Tionghoa' is not a choice, but it is inherited.

Abstrak :
ABSTRAK
Belum banyak penelitian yang berfokus langsung pada diaspora institusi keagamaan sebagai aktor politik. Dengan demikian, masih ada banyak ruang untuk mengeksplorasi bagaimana diaspora institusi keagamaan tersebut dapat berkontribusi pada politik diaspora transnasional. Studi ini memberikan kontribusi pada topik pengetahuan dengan menyelidiki tiga jejaring advokasi transnasional yang memainkan peran penting gereja etnis Korea. Tiga contoh jaringan yang diteliti menggunakan metode studi kasus dalam penelitian ini dilakukan pada: (1) Jejaring advokasi yang menyediakan perlindungan bagi imigran tidak berdokumen dalam menanggapi kebijakan administrasi imigrasi yang dibuat oleh Trump, (2) Jejaring yang mendorong pemungutan suara dan pendaftaran pemilih bagi warga negara Korea yang berada di luar negeri, dan (3) Jejaring yang mengeluarkan deklarasi terkait dengan skandal Geun-hye Park dan Soon-sil Choi. Masing-masing kasus tersebut dianalisis berdasarkan apakah gerakan tersebut dapat dianggap sebagai jejaring advokasi transnasional (TAN), faktor apa yang berkontribusi pada mobilisasi gereja etnis Korea, dan jenis strategi apa yang digunakan oleh gerakan tersebut. Studi ini menemukan bahwa sumber daya dan kapasitas gereja etnis Korea membantu mereka berpartisipasi dalam berbagai bentuk aktivisme politik dan memfasilitasi politik transnasional bagi diaspora Korea.

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ABSTRACT
Not much research has been conducted with a direct focus on diaspora religious institutions as political actors. As such, there is still much room for exploration regarding how diaspora religious institutions can contribute to diaspora transnational politics. This study contributes to the body of knowledge on this topic by investigating three transnational advocacy networks in which the Korean ethnic church played significant roles. Case studies were conducted on advocacy networks for (1) providing sanctuary to undocumented immigrants in response to the Trump administration's immigration policies; (2) encouraging external voting and voter registration among overseas Korean citizens; and (3) issuing declarations on state of affairs concerning the Geun-hye Park and Soon-sil Choi scandal. Each of these cases are analyzed based on whether the movement in question can be considered a TAN, what factors contributed to the mobilization of the Korean ethnic church, and what types of strategies were employed by the movement. This study finds that the resources and capacities of the Korean ethnic church assist them in participating in various forms of political activism and facilitating transnational politics for Korean diaspora.

Abstrak :
Ketahanan Nasional suatu bangsa dapat dikatakan berhasil apabila bangsa tersebut mampu menciptakan kesejahteraan dan juga keamanan di dalam negaranya secara seimbang. Tidak akan ada keamanan tanpa kesejahteraan yang memadai begitupun sebaliknya. Ketimpangan ekonomi di Indonesia masih cukup tinggi, menurut angka yang di keluarkan BPS RI, koefisein gini masyarakat perkotaan Indonesia bulan September 2017 masih sebesar 0,404 sedangkan di pedesaan 0,320. Kesenjangan ekonomi ini juga diakui oleh menteri keuangan RI Sri Mulyani, Ketua KPK RI Periode 2011-2015, Abraham Samad, Wakil Presiden RI periode 2014-2019, M. Jusuf Kalla, maupun Menteri Perekonomian RI Periode Mei 2014 - Oktober 2014 Chairul Tanjung bahwa 1% penduduk di Indonesia menguasai 50 % aset negara. Penyebab Ketimpangan ini cenderung diarahkan kepada etnis Tionghoa dengan didukung oleh data dari Majalah Forbes, tiga besar orang terkaya di Indonesia selama lima tahun berturut-turut ditempati oleh pengusaha beretnis Tionghoa, selain itu dimasa pemerintahan Presiden Joko Widodo banyak proyek-proyek infrastruktur yang dikerjakan oleh pemborong dari negeri Tiongkok, bukan hanya berinvestasi tetapi juga turut membawa pekerja dari negaranya sehingga masyarakat di Indonesia belum diberdayakan secara maksimal. Menjelang Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Tahun 2018, Pemilihan Legislatif dan Pemilihan Presiden Tahun 2019 tentu hal-hal ini bisa menjadi isu hangat yang disalahgunakan kembali ke arah masalah rasialis etnis Tionghoa seperti pada peristiwa Mei 1998 dimana krisis dan kesenjangan ekonomi menjadi pemicu utama terjadinya kerusuhan berdarah. Penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa persepsi masyarakat Indonesia terhadap golongan Tiongha di tahun 2018 masih cenderung negatif dan menjadi ancaman disintegrasi bangsa yang mengganggu ketahanan nasional Indonesia. Penelitian ini difoksukan di wilayah DKI Jakarta dengan mewawancarai informan kunci di bidang Pancasila dengan metode penelitian campuran eksploratori. ......National Resilience of a nation can be said to succeed if the nation is able to create prosperity and also security in the country in a balanced manner. There will be no security without adequate welfare and vice versa. Economic imbalances in Indonesia are still quite high, according to figures released by BPS RI, the coefisein gini of Indonesian urban communities in September 2017 is still at 0.404 while in the countryside 0.320. Economic gap is also recognized by the minister of finance of Indonesia Sri Mulyani, Chairman of KPK RI Period 2011-2015, Abraham Samad, Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia 2014-2019, M. Jusuf Kalla, and the Minister of Economy of the Republic of Indonesia May 2014 - October 2014 Chairul Tanjung that 1 % of the population in Indonesia controls 50% of state assets. The cause of this Inequality tends to be directed to ethnic Chinese supported by data from Forbes Magazine, the top three richest people in Indonesia for five consecutive years occupied by Chinese businessmen, besides during the administration of President Joko Widodo many infrastructure projects undertaken by contractors from China, not only invest but also bring workers from their country so that people in Indonesia have not been maximally empowered. In the lead up to the 2018 election of the Head of Region, the Legislative Election and the Presidential Election of 2019, these things could become a hot issue that was re-abused in the direction of ethnic Chinese racial issues as in the events of May 1998 where the crisis and economic disparity became the main trigger for bloody riots. This research shows that Indonesian people's perception towards Tiongha group in 2018 still tend to be negative and become a threat of disintegration of the nation that disrupts Indonesia's national resilience. This research was focused in Jakarta area by interviewing key informants in Pancasila field with exploratory mixture research method.

Abstrak :
ABSTRAK
Studi ini merupakan studi tentang kondisi dan situasi di pedesaan Cina yang berubah total sejak Mao bersama dengan PKC mengambil alih kekuasaan di Cina pada tahun 1949. Namun sebenarnya perubahan sudah terjadi jauh sebelum tahun 1949, yaitu ketika PKC mulai berdiri pada tahun 1921 dan sejak saat itu konsep-konsep pembangunan masyarakat sosialis mulai diperkenalkan dan dipraktekkan. Selama sepuluh tahun sejak tahun 1949 hingga tahun 1959, perubahan tidak hanya terjadi pada tataran sistem politik dan pemerintahan, namun yang lebih penting lagi adalah perubahan pada sistem sosial yaitu dengan berubahnya institusi-institusi sosial serta perubahan struktur sosial dan peran sosial dengan berubahnya mekanisme dalam masyarakat.

Dalam studi ini, untuk menggambarkan terjadinya perubahan sosial sebagai dampak dari kebijakan-kebijakan yang dilakukan oleh PKC dimana kebijakan tersebut berakar dari pikiran-pikiran Mao, digunakan teori sosial Talcott Parsons. Teori sosial Parsons dalam bukunya The Social System (1951) pada intinya menyebutkan bahwa sistem sosial sangat bergantung pada sistem budaya. Jika sistem budaya berubah, maka perubahan juga akan terjadi pada sistem sosial. Perubahan sistem sosial baru akan terjadi jika terjadi perubahan dalam sistem budaya. Dalam konteks ini maka yang terjadi di pedesaan Cina pada kurun waktu tersebut adalah sebuah perubahan sosial yang mengikuti perubahan budaya setelah masuknya paham Mantisme-Leninisme yang menggantikan sistem budaya Konfusianis. Proses perubahan itu sendiri akan dijelaskan dengan menggunakan beberapa teori antara lain adalah teori modernisasi dari David Apter, Giddens yang menekankan aspek kehidupan sosial sebagai suatu episode yang berarti memiliki awal dan akhir yang dapat dikenali serta Piotr Sztompka dengan Fungsionalisme Strukturalnya, sementara untuk menjelaskan bentuk-bentuk aksi yang terjadi digunakan teori Collective Actionnya Charles Tilly.

Ada beberapa tahap terjadinya perubahan sosial di pedesaan Cina dalam kurun waktu antara tahun 1949 sampai tahun 1959. Mao memulai rekayasa sosialnya dengan mengadakan Gerakan Land Reform pada tahun 1950, Ialu Kolektivisasi serta mencapai puncaknya pada pembentukan Komune Rakyat pada tahun 1958. Dalam periode inilah terjadi perubahan sosial yang begitu besar. Masyarakat Cina tradisional yang dengan teori Apter (1967) dapat di lihat sebagai masyarakat yang memiliki tiga tipe sfratifikasi yaitu menyangkut kasta, kelas dan status, melalui organisasi Komune Rakyat telah menjadi sebuah rnasyarakat yang harus hidup bersama secara komunal dalam struktur dan fungsi yang baru.

Abstrak :
ABSTRACT
Jakarta is the Capital States which have much kind of societies. By seeing from the smallest unit of its society, therefore Jakarta is consisting of immeasurably community. One of them is waria community, which represents small scale of social whereby members could fulfill all their life or some through interdependence relation among them. All members or at least member of them, have tradition or attentions becoming their equality fastener element. They have norm, certainty, and regulation obeyed as a tying and also made guidance to ful fill requirement of its everyday.

Waria community has certain marked which differentiating with other communities in Jakarta. Waria represents men which have woman identities, where those identities emerge in interaction as confessed its existence by other people. They have different way in expressing each other identities. The difference of this expression made classifications form related to equality of marking among them. With in performance those classifications would emerge pursuant to each maturity of waria in running the role and express requirement of its soul.

As would we saw, the main problem of waria performance was causing of difficulty in determination of gender identity. In this matter they would have 2 conflicts i.e. psychological conflict and social conflict. Psychological conflict was related to adversative desire with the situation of its physical; while social conflict was related to eliminate them from life of ssociation and family and social opportunity to fulfill requirement of its life (in the field of employment).

Refer to Goffman (1986:14-5), among 2 existing stigma type i.e. one who is earn to be discreditable and the other one is who discredited. Waria is the one who "discredited stigma". The elimination of waria in social environment and economucs is because of their existence would debased and had made them worked as commercial sex worker for continuing their life. Therefore performance of waria represented product culture of waria as environment response which get stigma to have living and spiritual easiness, which did not outfont the activity context of waria environment and community though "market" in prostitution world.

Their performance would see as waria form by classifications based on woman attribute to manipulation man 's body through impression management to identity in every interaction. The attribute is to identify him/her self for showing their culture it self. According to context and interaction target, their appearance would selectively conduct by them self due to interaction with another community.

Comparison within dwelling area, performance in prostitution area would have more important for waria sex worker: Prostitution area is as strength corefor their factual life in represent interaction place to get money for utilize main requirement of 1%. Interaction at prostitution area became important between waria and service user. They would identity each other related to community and their culture. ln this congeniality, waria performance at prostitution area present through separate regulation base on cordidence and knowledge will use as a guidance for life within the classification system i.e. their own self relevant to environmental with classification of him/her self as a waria, waria service user, visitors and also prestige of waria from prostitution area.

Hereby, this original research would not been influence by other researcher who had picked the same subject. Dramaturgi concepts from Erving Goffman (1959, 1986) was influenced me in believing that dramaturgi theory as equality among the theater shows with the various role of type where our conduct and everyday interaction. Regarding this research, dramaturgi analysis would pay attention to problem of waria life in Jakarta everyday as it in an interaction. This theory would be acquainted with 2 important junctions in interaction (Goffman 1959: l7-30; Goffman 1959 in Poloma 2002 and Ritzer & Goodman 2004), that is front region and back stage.

Parsundi Suparlan (2004a) is also influence me in seeing waria stigma as coherence or equality stigma which sticky attached at some individuals. This would form the identity group with their own identity and aim to strengthen or seeking exploration their identity through to performance. Transaction, arrangement of categories, space domination cooperation, emulation, and conflict among themselves are need to have to accommodate the target market.

Approaching dissertation research of this is qualitative (Miles & Huberman I984; Suparlan 1994) where as collecting data, observation and circumstantial interviewed executing by participate. ln support of verify and current ethnography detail picture we were collecting waria datas in Jakarta and taking pictures by handy cam or camera for special activity at prostitution area, dwelling area, certain place where doing other activities such as field events, mall, Public Square, dangdut shows etc.

Abstrak :
ln this thesis I discuss about the ancestor worship in in the Chinese-Hakka family and community in Singkawang-West Kalimantan (Borneo). The central concem of this study is the description and analysis of ancestor worship in rituals of death within family as conducted at the home, at place managed by Chinese burial association, and burial place, before and after burial.

The main issue raised in this thesis is the function of ancestor worship for Hakka family and community of Singkawang, which based on Mauss (1992) and Suparlan (l978)?s exchange theory is to tighten the kinship relations between family members who are alive or living in this world-the ?real world? and their ancestors in the atier-life world or the ?unreal world?.

The reason for the Hakka people of Singkawang to worship their ancestors. besides showing their filial piety (xiao) to ancestor. is also to ask for protection and assistance from them. In the time of needs or problems, members of a Hakka family or community will ask their ancestor spirits to help and protect him or her, and in return they will reciprocate the ancestors? help by providing food and beverages, as well as by paying respect to them, and all of these are conducted through rituals at the burial place or temples. This form or exchange is always maintained because it benefited both sides.

Death and death rituals in Hakka family are the most important part ol ancestor worship among the Chinese-Hakka in Singkawang. There would be no ancestor worship without death and death rituals. According to Hakka people?s beliefs, the well-being of their ancestors in the after-life will determine their well- being or the well-being of related family in this life.

In Chinese culture, as stated by Mencius, the most revered Confucian philosopher after Confucius himself, ?the greatest of all sins is to have no sons to carry on the ancestral line and continue the ancestors? worship? (see McCreey in Scupin, 2000: 286). Therefore, ?sons? is the operative world for Chinese in general. Traditional Chinese society is a patrilineal society in which Family surname and the right to a share of the family property descends from father to son. Daughters, once they married, their duty is to serve their parents-in-law, to worship their husband?s ancestors, and above all, to provide sons to continue their husband?s family line. Thus, usually daughters are not expected to share the burden of ancestor?s worship within their original family. In this thesis, I show that in Hakka family and community in Singkawang, in contrast to the abovementioned Chinese tradition, daughters who have married, together with their husbands, could come and share the burden of ancestor worship duty in the daughters? original family, as long as they do not take the place of sons as the leader of the family. Hakka family and community in Singkawang too see ancestor worship as means to gather members of related family, from both patrilineal and matrilineal sides, at one place and at a particular time, not only to conduct rituals and to worship their ancestors, but also to talk about family economy as well as other metters among family members.

The ancestor worship of Haldta family and community in Singkawang does not only benefit members of related family, but, as a matter of fact, also provides some advantages for members of other ethnic groups, such as the Madurese and the Dayaks, particularly those who live near the Chinese burial place. During Ching Ming Jie or Chinese Toms Festival and Zhong Yuan Jie or Hungry Ghost Festival, these people-the Madurese and the Dayaks--could ask to help Hakka families to clean or cut grass on their ancestors? graves in return for a little money.

Abstrak :
ABSTRAK
Disertasi ini menelaah mengenai ketaatan dan Coping Mechanism terhadap pembatasan gerak perempuan di rumah tangga. Para perempuan tersebut tergabung dalam Majelis Taklim Jam?iyyat al Nisa (MTJN). Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif berupa pengamatan terlibat dan wawancara mendalam. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan para perempuan ke MTJN untuk menghindar dari kehidupan rumah tangga yang menekan, bertemu dengan banyak teman yang senasib, dapat sharing, serta melakukan aktivitas yang ?menyenangkan? seperti ikut kampanye-kampanye parpol atau pilkada, mendapat baju muslim, piknik gratis serta bergosip yang terkadang menjatuhkan nama baik suami. Pergi ke MTJN tidak menyelesaikan masalah rumah tangga mereka, dan merekapun tidak ingin menggugat cerai, karena kondisi menjadi ?janda? mendapat stigma buruk atau cemoohan sosial di masyarakat Tangerang yang berbudaya patriarki. Sebagian besar jemaah menggunakan majelis taklim secara absah sebagai coping mechanism, pelepas penat dan stres yang diakibatkan oleh kehidupan rumah tangga budaya patriarki ? khususnya dalam hal hubungan suami-istri yang menekan.

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ABSTRACT
This dissertation analyzes the obedience and coping mechanism under the restriction of women?s role in domestic sphere. These women are members of Jam?iyyat al-Nisa Assembly of Muslim (Majelis Taklim Jam?iyyat al-Nisa ? MTJN). This research is conducted using qualitative method, namely direct observation and in-depth interview. The result of the research shows that these women join MTJN to get away from their repressing domestic life, to meet friends with the same experience, to share their stories, and to do ?fun? activities like joining the campaign of political parties or local elections, getting Islamic clothing and free picnic, as well as gossiping which some times could lead to the embarrassment of their husband. Going to MTJN does not solve their problems, but they are not going to file for a divorce for afraid of the negative ?stigma? of becoming a widow or the social mockery which is common in the Tangerang patriarchal society. Most of Jam?iyyat al-Nisa members use the assembly of Muslim as their legitimate coping mechanism and stress release particularly in the subordinate husband-wife relationship.

Abstrak :
Disertasi ini bertujuan menggambarkan eksklusi sosial yang dialami komunitas Cina Benteng di desa Belimbing, Tangerang. Eksklusi sosial dianalisis dengan menggunakan teori strukturasi Giddens untuk melihat proses eksklusi social, siapa saja aktor yang berperan dan bagaimana peran mereka dalam eksklusi sosial dan implikasi sosial, ekonomi, dan politis dari eksklusi sosial yang dialami oleh komunitas Cina Benteng di desa Belimbing. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa komunitas Cina Benteng di desa Belimbing pernah mengalami eksklusi sosial pada masa eksklusi social sampai dengan awal masa reformasi terkait dengan kepemilikan dokumen kependudukan dan keikutsertaan dalam pembangunan. Eksklusi sosial yang mereka alami secara tidak langsung berakibat pada rendahnya tingkat pendidikan dan kemiskinan yang dialami pada masa sekarang, lebih lanjut berdampak pada terbatasnya akses mereka pada kesempatan bekerja formal dan pendapatan baik. Selain eksklusi sosial, dalam komunitas Cina Benteng juga terjadi inklusi social dengan warga non Cina Benteng. Fenomena tersebut dinamakan "dualitas eksklusi-inklusi". ...... This dissertation aims at describing the social exclusion experienced by the Benteng Chinese community in the village of Belimbing, Tangerang. Social exclusion is analyzed using the theory of Structuration Giddens to see the process of social exclusion, the actor who plays and their role in social exclusion as well as the implications of social exclusion in social, economic, and political aspect. The results showed that the Chinese community has experienced social exclusion during the period of Suharto governance to the early period of reform era, related to the ownership of the civic documents and the participation in development. Social exclusion indirectly result in low levels of education and poverty being experienced at present, further impacting on their limited access to the opportunity of formal work and good income. In addition to social exclusion, there has been social inclusion amongs the Benteng Chinese community and indigenous people in Belimbing village.

Abstrak :
Dua studi kuantitatif dilakukan dalam konteks konflik yang terjadi selama proses Pemilihan Gubernur 2017 di Jakarta. Data studi 1 dikumpulkan dari 442 sampel dan data studi 2 dikumpulkan dari 421 sampel, yang dipilih dengan menggunakan teknik accidental sampling. Sampel dipilih dari warga Jakarta yang menggunakan hak pilih mereka dan mengidentifikasi bahwa mereka sebagai anggota kelompok yang terlibat dalam konflik yang terjadi selama pemilihan Gubernur Jakarta 2017. Studi 1 dilakukan untuk menjelaskan bagaimana emosi berbasis kelompok seperti harapan, rasa benci, rasa bersalah, rasa malu, dan rasa marah dapat memprediksi kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi dalam konflik antarkelompok. Studi 2 dilakukan untuk membuktikan bahwa emosi berbasis kelompok seperti harapan, rasa benci, rasa bersalah, rasa malu, dan rasa marah dapat memprediksi kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi lebih baik daripada variabel bukan emosi seperti trust, identifikasi kelompok, dan out-group blame. Data dianalisis dengan menggunakan teknik Structural Equation Modeling untuk membangun teori model terintegrasi dan menguji hipotesis penelitian. Hasil studi 1 menunjukkan bahwa harapan, rasa benci, rasa marah, dan rasa bersalah dapat memprediksi kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi, sementara hasil studi 2 menunjukkan adanya pengaruh yang signifikan antara harapan, rasa benci, rasa bersalah terhadap kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi Temuan dalam penelitian ini mendukung asumsi bahwa harapan, rasa bersalah dan trust memiliki pengaruh poositif terhadap kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi, sementara rasa benci dan out-group blame mengakibatkan berkurangnya tingkat kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi dengan kelompok lawan. Di antara semua variabel yang diuji, studi-studi ini memberikan bukti rasa bersalah terhadap out-group merupakan prediktor terkuat pada kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi antar-kelompok yang terlibat konflik PILKADA Jakarta 2017. Hasil penelitian ini juga memberikan bukti bahwa emosi berbasis kelompok dapat memprediksi kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi lebih baik dibandingkan variabel bukan emosi seperti out-group blame dan group identification. ......Two quantitative studies were conducted within the context of conflict which occurred during Jakarta's 2017 Governor Election process. The first study aimed to gain explanation whether group-based emotion including hope, anger, hatred, shame and guilt could predicts willingness to reconcile. The second study was conducted to answer wheter group-based emotions could predicts more significantly than non-emotional variables such as trust, group identification, and out-group blame. In the first study, the data were collected using accidental sampling from 442 Jakarta residents, who use their voting rights and identified that they were part of the groups that involved in conflicts that occurred during Jakarta's 2017 Governor elections. The data for second study were collected from 421 sample within the same manner  The data were analyzed using Structural Equation Modeling techniques to build the integrated model theory and test the research hypothesis. The result from first study revealed that hope, hatred, anger and guilt could predicts willingness to reconcile, while in the second study shows hope, hatred, guilt, trust and out-group blame could predicts willingness to reconcile. The findings support the notion that hope, trust, and guilt have a positive impact to the willingness to reconcile, while hatred, anger and out-group blame resulting in participants reducing the willingness to reconcile with opposing candidate's supporting group. These studies also gave evidence that guilt was the strongest predictor of willingness to reconcile in the inter-group conflict in the Jakarta 2017 regional elections. The results of the latest study provide evidence that group-based emotions could predict participant's willingness to engage in post-conflict reconciliation better than non-emotional variables such as trust and out-group blame.