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"Skripsi ini merupakan penelitian yang ditujukan untuk menggambarkan dan menjelaskan proses kebijakan moratorium penempatan TKI sektor domestik ke Malaysia tahun 2009-2011 sebagai upaya politik perlindungan tenaga kerja Indonesia di luar negeri pada masa pemerintahan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Penelitian ini mengidentifikasi dan menganalisa latar belakang, alasan-alasan, formasi kepentingan dan kondisi-kondisi yang mendorong Pemerintah Indonesia memberlakukan kebijakan moratorium penempatan TKI sektor domestik ke Malaysia tersebut. Interdependensi ketenagakerjaan lintas-negara akibat migrasi global, proses pembuatan kebijakan (policy making process), serta konsep politik luar negeri dan diplomasi menjadi kerangka analitis yang digunakan dalam menganalisa fenomena politik perlindungan pekerja migran Indonesia yang dibahas dalam skripsi ini.

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This thesis is a work of qualitative research that aimed and conducted to describe and explain the Government of Indonesia?s Placement Moratorium Policy of Indonesian Migrat Domestic Workers into Malaysia in 2009-2011 as an effort by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono?s Governance to raise the protection for Indonesian Migrant Workers abroad. This reseach tries to identify and analyze the background, justification, formation of actors and interests, and conditions that pushed the Government of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to adopt and implement this policy. The concepts of policy-making processes, inter-state workforce?s interdependence as a result of global migration, the concept of foreign politics and diplomacy will be used as conceptual and analitical frameworks in order to analyze the phenomenon of this politics of Indonesian migrant workers? protection that prescribed in this research."

"Skripsi ini membahas tentang relasi kekuasaan yang terbentuk antara Negara dan Modal dalam Politik Agraria di Masa Reformasi. Lebih khusus, penelitian ini menjelaskan bentuk relasi kekuasaan antara Negara dan Modal dengan melihat pada dua indikator yaitu pada Kebijakan dan Konflik Agraria. Untuk membahasnya, penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan instrumen observasi wawancara mendalam dan studi dokumen untuk pengumpulan data. Temuan dari penelitian ini adalah relasi kekuasaan Negara dan Modal dalam politik agraria di Indonesia di masa reformasi masih kuat walaupun melalui strategi yang seolah olah berpihak pada rakyat, seperti kebijakan redistribusi lahan di Kecamatan Cipari. Bentuk relasi kekuasaan yang terjadi adalah accumulation by dispossession (akumulasi dengan cara perampasan), bahwa kebijakan redistribusi lahan di Kecamatan Cipari merupakan salah satu bentuk perampasan dengan strategi baru yaitu melakukan legalisasi aset.

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This undergraduate thesis describes about power relation which built between State and Capital in Agrarian Politics in the Reformation Era. More specifically, this research describes the type of power relation between State and Capital with focus in two indicator that is the policy and agrarian conflict. The method used in this research is qualitative with observation, in-depth interview and document study as instruments to collect the data. This research found that power relation between State and Capital in Agrarian Politics in the Reformation Era is still strong although through the strategi as if it stands for the peasant, like the policy of land redistribution in the Subdistrict of Cipari. The type of the power relation is accumulation by dispossession which means that the policy of land redistribution in the Subdistrict of Cipari is one of the dispossession, with the new strategi that is the legalization of asset."

"Student movements in Indonesia can be seen since the Dutch colonial era. They learnt from the Dutch how to unite and fight back for freedom. Even the risk and cost are very high, they kept on moveina until 1949. After the colonial era, students movements more integrated in a political party, especially in the Old Order era. From 1974-1998 non legitimate student organizations become a high risk and cost activities in the New Order era. From 1996-1998 they rised and fight back the New Order regime even though the risk and cost are very high. After 1998 student movements has serious problem in mobilization, much of student turn back to their own activities. Those things made the student organizations and actions committees with the "left" ideology try to be united into one national organization scale called the National Students League for Democracy (LMND), especially them who establiesed the work of the Solidarity of Indonesian Student for Democracy (SMID) all affiliation of organizations (Democratic People Party's (PRD)). Until Mei 2005 LMND being integrated into the student movements role. Even when the political situation are totally different from 1998. The movement of LMND had the same risk and cost, also this organizations network highly increased. This final paper is analyzing and describing the supporting factors of activities and recruitment process to high risk-cost activities at LINEN-D. The tools of analisis used the theory of Doug McArlam's network and high risk activities from the research of Freedom Summer high risk-cost activity. This theory sees that the recruitment in high risk-cost activities are differed from low risk and low cost. This theory explained the back around factors activities in high risk-cost. Those are the history of relevant activism, the deep ideologcal commitment, being integrated into activist networks and biographical availability. 4 conditions that shaped the final decision about participation are: 1. occurance of a recruitment attempt; 2. conseptualization of linkage beetween participation and identity; 4. absence of opposition from others who shape salient identity. Also view argument that recruitment process used a networks and the reason whypeople join activities. The inventions of this paper is LMND had high risk-cost activity and the recruitment process not too different from the case of Freedom Summer. LIVIND have all the background of Freedom Summer activities. In the background factors, history of relevant activity and being integrated to activits network are the most important supporting from the background factor. While biographical availability and deep ideological commitment/ prior organization not the most important factor to support the recruitment. The major factor that shaped the final decision about participation are the occurance of a recruitment attempt, the linkage beetween movement and identity, and the support of that linkage from those normaly sustain the identity. While the absence of opposition not to significant. In the case LMND, networks used in process of recruitments. The reason informant joined LMND activities are to achieving they aim and value."

"ABSTRAKPotensi sumber daya air mendorong pemerintah Brazil untuk membangun proyek bendungan di kawasan Amazon. Akan tetapi, pembangunan bendungan menyebabkan gerakan sosial dari aktor penentang. Skripsi ini akan melihat efektivitas dari gerakan sosial dalam pembangunan Bendungan Belo Monte di Brazil dengan melakukan studi komparasi pada dua kurun waktu. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori mobilisasi sumber daya oleh Edwards dan Gillham dan teori struktur kesempatan politik oleh Sidney Tarrow. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif melalui studi pustaka, temuan dari skripsi ini memperlihatkan bahwa faktor-faktor perbedaan efektivitas dari gerakan sosial pada kedua kurun waktu disebabkan oleh faktor internal gerakan sosial, yaitu sumber daya moral, sumber daya kultural, sumber daya manusia, sumber daya material, dan sumber daya sosial-organisasional, serta faktor eksternal dari gerakan sosial, yaitu keterbukaan akses, penyusunan kembali dalam pemerintah, perpecahan elite-elite politik, dan ketersediaan sekutu yang berpengaruh.<

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ABSTRACTThe potential of water resources encourages the Brazilian government to build dam projects in the Amazon region. However, dam construction has caused social movements from opposing actors. This thesis will look at the effectiveness of social movements in the construction of the Belo Monte Dam in Brazil by conducting comparative studies at two time periods. This study uses resource mobilization theory by Edwards and Gillham and political opportunity structure theory by Sidney Tarrow. By using qualitative methods through literature studies, the findings of this thesis show that the factors of differences in the effectiveness of social movements in both periods are caused by internal factors of the social movement, namely moral resources, cultural resources, human resources, material resources, and social-organizational resources, as well as external factors of the social movement, namely increasing access, shifting alignments, divided elites, and influential allies."

"Penelitian ini mengangkat topik tentang independensi jurnalis dan konstruksi jurnalisme profesional dalam konteks pers industrial di Indonesia pasca-Orde Baru. Keterkaitan antara ketiganya dibingkai melalui fenomena politisasi media pada momen Pemilu 2014 melalui studi kasus Media Indonesia dan Koran Sindo. Penelitian ini difokuskan pada independensi jurnalis sebagai fokus analisis. Berdasarkan temuan penelitian, konstruksi pers industrial membatasi independensi jurnalis. Keterbatasan ini didasari oleh posisi jurnalis sebagai kelas pekerja yang berkonsekuensi pada posisi tawar yang lemah dan dorongan pragmatisme jurnalis. Posisi kelas tersebut terbentuk dengan dilatari oleh adanya perubahan konstruksi jurnalisme di dalam konstruksi pers industrial. Pada akhirnya, independensi jurnalis dibatasi dengan sendirinya oleh konstruksi jurnalisme profesional.

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This study discussed about journalist independence and journalism professional within industrial press context in post-Orde Baru Indonesia. These three points are framed within the phenomenon of politicized of the media in Indonesia national election 2014 with case study of Media Indonesia and Koran Sindo. Specifically, this study focused on the independence of journalist within the framework of analysis. Based on research findings, it can be explained that within the press industry, the journalist independence are limited, if not possible. This limitations are based on journalist?s positions as working class which have consequences to their weak bargaining positions and structured a pragmatism tendency. The class position are formed by the changing of journalism construction within the industrial press? logic. In the end, journalist?s independence are restricted by itself by the journalism professional construction."

"ABSTRAK<>br>Penelitian ini membahas tentang gerakan sosial Buddhisme dalam mengangkat isu lsquo;anti-Muslim rsquo; di Sri Lanka pada tahun 2012-2014. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori gerakan sosial dari Sidney Tarrow sebagai sebuah kerangka analisis. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan tipe penelitian studi kasus. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan studi pustaka dari buku, jurnal, tesis, artikel ilmiah dan berita terkini di Sri Lanka. Setelah mengkaji gerakan sosial lewat struktur mobilisasi dan proses framing, hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa gerakan sosial Buddhisme dalam isu lsquo;anti-Muslim rsquo; di Sri Lanka berhasil mencapai tahap eskalasi karena adanya penguatan dari kepemimpinan yang profesional oleh BBS Bodu Bala Sena dalam melakukan perluasan jaringan, organisasi advokasi dan juga proses framing. Kata

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ABSTRACT<>br>This research discusses the social movements of Buddhism in raising the 39 anti Muslim 39 issue in Sri Lanka in 2012 2014. This research applied social movement theory from Sidney Tarrow as an analytical framework. This research uses qualitative method with case study research type. Data collection techniques were conducted by literature study of books, journals, thesis, scientific articles and current news in Sri Lanka. After studying the social movement through the mobilizing structure and the framing processes, the results of this research showed that the social movements of Buddhism in raising the 39 anti Muslim 39 issue in Sri Lanka has reached the escalation stage due to professionalizing leadership by BBS Bodu Bala Sena in expanding the network, advocacy organizations and framing processes. Keywords lsquo Anti Muslim rsquo Social Movement, Bodu Bala Sena, Escalation, Framing Processes, and Mobilizing Structure "

"ABSTRAKSkripsi ini menganalisis penyebab strategi politik elektoral gerakan buruh Korea Selatan pasca tahun 2004 cenderung tidak efektif. Hal ini dapat dilihat dengan menurunnya jumlah perolehan kursi oleh partai buruh di parlemen nasional, terjadi faksi-faksi dalam internal partai, renggangnya hubungan antara organisasi gerakan buruh dengan partai, partai tidak mampu memperluas basis dukungan dan juga belum mampu mengakomodir isu-isu kebijakan nasional lainnya. Dalam menjawab pertanyaan penelitian tersebut, penulis menggunakan metode kualitatif dan mengacu pada sumber data-data sekunder. Analisis skripsi ini merujuk pada studi yang dilakukan oleh Collins. Menurutnya, terdapat dua aspek yang menentukan sebuah gerakan agar dapat membentuk partai politik yang berhasil dalam politik elektoral. Kedua aspek tersebut yaitu kesempatan politik dan mobilisasi sumber daya yang dilakukan oleh gerakan. Pada kasus strategi politik elektoral gerakan buruh Korea Selatan, penulis berargumen bahwa terdapat hambatan pada kedua aspek tersebut. Kesempatan politik yang terjadi pada era demokrasi di Korea Selatan belum menguntungkan bagi gerakan buruh. Mereka pun juga mengalami permasalahan dalam mobilisasi sumber daya. Akibatnya strategi politik elektoral mereka yang sempat tergolong berhasil pada tahun 2004, kemudian cenderung menjadi tidak efektif.

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ABSTRAKThis thesis aims to analyze the reason why the electoral political strategies of the South Korean s labor movement tend to be ineffective after 2004. It can be seen by the decrease in the number of positions obtained by the labor party in the national parliament, the internal party factions, the gap between the organization of the labor movement and the party, and the party is unable to expand its support base and to accommodate other national policy issues. This thesis uses a qualitative methods and the secondary data to answer the research question. The analysis is referred to a research conducted by Collins. She stated that there are two aspects that determine a movement in order to form a successful political party in electoral politics. The two aspects are the political opportunity and resource mobilization undertaken by the movement. In the case of electoral political strategies of the labor movement in South Korea, I argue that there are obstacles in those two aspects. The political opportunity during the democratic era in South Korea has not been favorable for the labor movement. They also encountered problems in the resource mobilization. This made their electoral political strategies that were considered successful in 2004 tended to be ineffective afterwards."

"ABSTRAKugas Karya Akhir ini membahas strategi yang digunakan Falun Gong dalam mengangkat isu pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia HAM ke ranah internasional. Kerangka berpikir dalam menganalisis strategi yang dilakukan didasari pada teori transnational advocacy networksdan analisis framing. Metode yang digunakan adalah kualitatif deskriptif, dengan studi kepustakaan dan dokumen sebagai sumber data penulisan. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukan empat strategi politik Falun Gong dalam membangun jaringan advokasi transnasional. Pertama, Falun Gong menggunakan politik informasi dengan menyediakan terpaan informasi mengenai masalah yang dihadapi sebanyak mungkin. Kedua, menggunakan politik simbolik untuk memperkuat pesan yang disampaikan. Ketiga, politik memengaruhi dimana Falun Gong mengajak beberapa negara, kota atau NGO untuk ikut terlibat. Keempat, politik akuntabilitas dengan mendekati tokoh-tokoh internasional yang memiliki pengaruh besar.

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ABSTRACTThis last final project discuss about strategy that Falun Gong used in raising the issue of Human Right violation to International domain. Theoritical framework that undertaken in analysing the strategy is based on the theory of transnational advocacy network and framing analysis. In this research, the writer used qualitative descriptive method, with literature study and document as dara source of writing. The result of this research shows four Falun Gong politic strategies in building a transnational advocacy network. First, Falun Gong using information politics by providing information exposure regarding facing the problems by as much as possible. Second, use symbolic politics to magnify the message delivered. Third, leverage politics, which in this case Falun Gong invited several countries, cities or NGO to get involved. Fourth, accountability politics by approaching international figures who have a great influence."