Hasil Pencarian  ::  Simpan CSV :: Kembali

"This study is focused on the working process of power in television program with special emphasis on Infotainment program, subjectively is marked by knowledge and action of involved actors. This study is qualitatively aimed at explaining production and reproduction of actors? social practices who involve in knowledge production processes for delivering television program. More over, this study will be able to describe the actors? power contestation based on positions and relationship among subjects in developing interaction based on their interest on mentioned television program presentation. It uses qualitative approach emphasis on the process rather than result, and tends to involve trust between researchers and informant.This analytic descriptive study is carried out since the beginning of January to August 2007. The work of power is basically moves to a series of relation, so that poser is understood as a description of plural network, not homogeny, and incomplete. It is a complicated network in a series of interactions and events in social practices of actors in a disperse position. Power can not be reduced in the form of central decision. It means that the works of power is not only determined by domination or authority of an actor to the other. In account to that, among actors are marked by regulation technology that work productively in controlling, depending, competing, and fighting one and other. Such process also marked by construction, deconstruction and reconstruction of actors? knowledge and is expressed in a series of actions that produce discourse.Based on data analysis supported by an existing concept, so that the work ad contestation of power in television program especially infotainment can be described as follows: Firstly, the process of delivering infotainment program in television creates a series of social practices of subject that has strategic relationship. The power works through social practices with dispersed positions through relations, or in other words the relationship construct power.Secondly, the process of delivering television program is marked by the works of control technology in the form of control system among actors. The control system extends over actors? relationship continually and drive to develop interdependency among them.Thirdly, the social interactions of actors who involved in infotainment program broadcast are basically a construction, deconstruction, as well as reconstruction of knowledge in which the power works. These become strategy of actors in interaction with others. Consequently there is a never ending contestation.Fourthly, besides power is a process of formulating knowledge, it also produces a discourse. Continually deconstructed discourse becomes a form of news media politics that create competition among actors that colored by the existence of power contestation. Based on the above notions there are two critical aspects that should be noted in this study:Firstly, infotainment broadcasting program is a television (private) program in Indonesia has contribute of knowledge formation marked by the work of power through social practices of contestation actors. Power contestation in this television program is a description of the existence of power relation that support, strive, compete and destruct in the process of build knowledge and discourse.Secondly, the issue of power basically has valuable contribution to anthropology, especially when experts that the anthropology has lost its job in lines with new social supremacy in this contemporary modern world. Issue of power also gives solution for anthropology to response related issue with recent development. Besides, issue of power gives a valuable contribution for anthropology has social network concept and empirical reality strength that can be carried out through field study."

"This study is focused on the working process of power in television program with special emphasis on Infotainment program, subjectively is marked by knowledge and action of involved actors. This study is qualitatively aimed at explaining production and reproduction of actors? social practices who involve in knowledge production processes for delivering television program. More over, this study will be able to describe the actors? power contestation based on positions and relationship among subjects in developing interaction based on their interest on mentioned television program presentation. It uses qualitative approach emphasis on the process rather than result, and tends to involve trust between researchers and informant. This analytic descriptive study is carried out since the beginning of January to August 2007. The work of power is basically moves to a series of relation, so that poser is understood as a description of plural network, not homogeny, and incomplete. It is a complicated network in a series of interactions and events in social practices of actors in a disperse position. Power can not be reduced in the form of central decision. It means that the works of power is not only determined by domination or authority of an actor to the other. In account to that, among actors are marked by regulation technology that work productively in controlling, depending, competing, and fighting one and other. Such process also marked by construction, deconstruction and reconstruction of actors? knowledge and is expressed in a series of actions that produce discourse. Based on data analysis supported by an existing concept, so that the work ad contestation of power in television program especially infotainment can be described as follows: Firstly, the process of delivering infotainment program in television creates a series of social practices of subject that has strategic relationship. The power works through social practices with dispersed positions through relations, or in other words the relationship construct power. Secondly, the process of delivering television program is marked by the works of control technology in the form of control system among actors. The control system extends over actors? relationship continually and drive to develop interdependency among them. Thirdly, the social interactions of actors who involved in infotainment program broadcast are basically a construction, deconstruction, as well as reconstruction of knowledge in which the power works. These become strategy of actors in interaction with others. Consequently there is a never ending contestation. Fourthly, besides power is a process of formulating knowledge, it also produces a discourse. Continually deconstructed discourse becomes a form of news media politics that create competition among actors that colored by the existence of power contestation. Based on the above notions there are two critical aspects that should be noted in this study: Firstly, infotainment broadcasting program is a television (private) program in Indonesia has contribute of knowledge formation marked by the work of power through social practices of contestation actors. Power contestation in this television program is a description of the existence of power relation that support, strive, compete and destruct in the process of build knowledge and discourse. Secondly, the issue of power basically has valuable contribution to anthropology, especially when experts that the anthropology has lost its job in lines with new social supremacy in this contemporary modern world. Issue of power also gives solution for anthropology to response related issue with recent development. Besides, issue of power gives a valuable contribution for anthropology has social network concept and empirical reality strength that can be carried out through field study."

"Di dalam disertasi ini, penulis tertarik untuk memahami bagaimana historisitas mempengaruhi bagaimana berbagai kelompok sosial yang ada dalam satu masyarakat dengan cara yang berbeda-beda memahami berbagai peristiwa dan tindakan yang terjadi di dalam sejarah mereka, dan sekaligus berupaya mengerti bagaimana pemahaman tersebut mempengaruhi mereka dalam mengkonstruksikan kekuasaan yang ada di dalam kehidupan sosial mereka sehari-hari.Di dalam penelitian terhadap kelompok-kelompok yang ada di pulau Buton, penulis memperlakukan sara sebagai satu bentuk dari historisitas. Esensi dari sara pada dasarnya dipresentasikan di dalam diri sultan. Dengan demikian, sara sangat berkaitan dengan pemahaman akan kekuasaan. Bagi komunitas Wolio yang merupakan kelompok bangsawan di dalam struktur sosial masyarakat di sana, maka sara bisa berfungsi sebagai akumulasi kearifan yang komunitas Wolio ini petik dari sejarahnya. Dan sebagai akumulasi kearifan, yang bermanfaat bagi keberlangsungan hidup mereka, maka sara mentransformasikan dirinya sebagai satu institusi yang penting.Sara, melalui pengejawantahannya sebagai kesultanan, menginkorporasikan berbagai sumber daya dan unsur kebudayaan masyarakat lain di sekeliling mereka, seperti institusi, struktur, gagasan konsepsual dan bahkan sumber daya manusia. Sultan, dengan demikian, melingkupi ke dalam dirinya dan kesultanannya segala potensi yang ada. Berdasarkan hakekat sara dan sultan serupa itu, maka dapat dipahami apabila kekuasaan kemudian dikonsepsualisasikan lebih sebagai satu proses akumulasi/pertambahan ketimbang satu proses pergantian/penaklukan. Oleh karena karakter melingkupinya semacam itu, maka sara bisa berperan sebagai satu ideologi yang sedikit banyaknya bersifat hegemonik, walaupun sebagai sesuatu yang berlangsung dan terbentuk melalui proses-proses historis dan kultural tertentu, pemaknaan dan kekuatan dominan sara selalu saja mendapatkan perlawanan dan membuatnya tidak pernah bersifat mutlak.In this research project I am interested in understanding the relationship between historicity and the conception of power in the region of the former sultanate of Wolio. To put it in a more precise way, I seek to understand the multiple ways in which people in the region represent their past, and try to see how an understanding of history can be seen as a source of moral choices which guide social action. Historical and anthropological researches (i.e., participant observation and fieldwork) occupy central methods in my attempt to understand this dialectical relationship between action and history.

The subject of my study will be peoples in the region of the former sultanate of Wolio. In my research project among these peoples on the island of Buton, I treat an indispensable institution called sara as a form of historicity. The essence of sara is represented in Sultan. Sara is therefore closely related to their notion of power. For Wolio community, which constitutes the aristocratic group in the existing social structure on the island, sara is an accumulated wisdoms and lessons that this community learn from their history.

Sara, in its essential embodiment as sultanate, incorporated into itself all other peoples? cultural elements and resourses, such as structures, institutions, conceptual ideas, and even human resources. Sultan was someone who encompassed all the potentials in the region within himself and his kingdom. Based on the nature of sara and sultan as such, it is understandable if power and its legitimacy are conceived more as a process of accumulation rather then as a process of substitution or usurpation. For its? encompassing character, sara may serve, more or less, as a hegemonic ideology in the realm of this sultanate. However, because sara is occurred and formed through cultural and historical processes, its dominant meanings and power are always contested, never totalizing, and always unstable, even when they encourage degrees of subordinate peoples? consent to particular forms of oppression."

"Studi ini tentang budaya hutang, di mana toke membangun strategi untuk merespon perubahan sosial- budaya di Desa Parit Baru, Kampar Riau dengan berperan sebagai kapitalis kecil dan cultural broker. Desa Parit Baru sebelumnya merupakan kampung terisolir, setelah tahun 1999 Desa Parit Baru berubah menjadi desa pinggiran kota yang bisa diakses dengan mudah.Perubahan sosial-budaya mempengaruhi posisi toke di desa, dari enam toke, lima bangkrut dan hanya satu toke yang bertahan. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif untuk memperoleh data dan menginterpretasi data, di mana toke sebagai subjek utama. Toke yang bertahan adalah toke yang mampu mereproduksi budaya hutang dan membangun beberapa strategi sebagai berikut; Pertama, merubah pola hubungan dengan anak semang, dari pola yang ketat, ke pola jaringan ekslusif yang terdiri dari kelompok toke, pabrik dan penguasa desa untuk menetapkan harga; Kedua, toke menjadi kapitalis kecil untuk memudahkan membangun jaringan dan akses ke berbagai pihak yang lebih luas, sehingga anak semang bisa berinteraksi langsung pada kreditor dari luar desa; Ketiga, toke sebagai cultural broker mereproduksi budaya hutang dan memproduksi gaya hidup konsumtif.Kajian ini mengungkapkan bahwa; Pertama, perubahan pola perniagaan toke bisa menjadi jendela untuk memahami kapitalisme global, bahwa negara pusat harus dinamis pada negara pinggiran dan semi pinggiran, sebab negara pinggiran sudah mempunyai akses yang luas serta memiliki kemandirian pilihan ekonomi dan politik; Kedua, toke sebagai cultural broker bisa menjelaskan bahwa kapitalisme global harus mempunyai kesadaran pada kultur lokal untuk membangun jaringan komoditas yang lebih luas. Bahwa jaringan politik dan ekonomi harus memperhatikan budaya lokal agar nilai-nilai konsumerisme hadir di desa-desa terpencil

---

The study on the culture of debt in which the toke role as a petty capitalist and cultural broker, in an effort to develop strategies to respond to the socio-cultural change in the village of Parit Baru, Kampar Riau. Parit Baru village was an isolated village but after 1999 turned into a suburban village which can be accessed easily.Changes affecting the position of the toke in the village, which is of six tokes, five bankrupt and only one toke survived. This study used a qualitative approach to obtain the data and interpret the data, where toke as a major subject in this study. Toke that survive are capable of reproducing the culture of debt and build some of the following strategies, first, change the pattern of the relationship with the anak semang, from a strict pattern, pattern to the exclusive network consisting of a group toke, factory and village authorities to set prices. Second, toke become petty capitalists to facilitate networking and access to a wider variety of parties, so that the anak semang can interact directly to creditors from outside the village. Third, as a cultural broker toke reproduce the debt culture and producing consumptive lifestyle.The study revealed that, first, the changing patterns of trade toke can be a window to understanding global capitalism, that the state should be dynamic centers on the periphery and semi- periphery, because the periphery has had extensive access and has a choice of economic and political independence. Second, toke as cultural broker can explain that global capitalism must have consciousness on local culture to build a wider network of commodities. That the political and economic networks should pay attention to local culture that values ​​consumerism is present in remote villages."

"Disertasi ini membahas tentang konflik dan integrasi dalam konstruksi identitas NSI (Niciren Syosyu Indonesia), suatu kelompok yang terdapat dalam agama Buddha. Identitas dibangun oleh perbedaan-perbedaan, sehingga akibatnya dapat menimbulkan ketegangan dan konflik sosial. Hal ini berbeda dengan teori konflik Coser (1964) yang melihat bahwa karena perbedaan inheren dalam masyarakat maka konflik sosial pada dasarnya alamiah. Konflik sosial tidak berarti perpecahan. Kajian-kajian antropologi (Barth, 1988; Geertz, 1973, 1983; Saifuddin, 1986; Malik, 2007) memperlihatkan bahwa konflik merupakan sisi lain dari integrasi sosial. Oleh karena itu, disumsikan bahwa dengan memfokuskan perhatian pada masalah konstruksi identitas maka dapat diketahui masalah-masalah konflik dan integrasi yang terdapat dalam suatu masyarakat. Penelitian dilakukan dengan menggunakan pendekatan interpretif dengan objek penelitian kelompok NSI dan dilakukan selama enam bulan. Proses pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode observasi, wawancara, dan studi dokumentasi. penelitian di Jakarta (vihara Kantor Pusat NSI) dan Bogor (vihara Saddharma sebagai vihara pusat organisasi NSI). Identitas adalah aspek dalam hubungan dan interaksi sosial dan identitas bersifat kontekstual dalam arti identitas dikonstruksi dalam dunia yang secara sosial telah dibentuk (Eriksen, 1995; Friedman, 1995). Sebagai agency NSI mengkonstruksi perbedaan-perbedaan dalam konteks hubungan dengan kelompok-kelompok lain dalam agama Buddha. Dalam hal ini, NSI mengklasifikasi kelompok-kelompok lain (others) tersebut berdasarkan kategori sekte: kelompok sekte Niciren (Sokagakkai, Buddha Dharma Indonesia (BDI), dan Niciren Syu) dan kelompok non-Niciren (Theravada, Mahayana, Buddhayana, dan Tantrayana). Dalam mengkonstruksi identitasnya NSI melakukan pembedaan-pembedaan terkait dengan sistem kepercayaan dan sistem ritual agama Buddha, juga organisasi. Penekanan pada perbedaan pemaknaan terhadap doktrin dan ritual agama Buddha merupakan strategi simbolis yang digunakan NSI dalam hubungannya terutama dengan kelompok-kelompok sekte lain, sedangkan strategi praktis digunakan NSI dengan cara pembedaan tempat ritual (vihara) dan organisasi. Di sisi lain, adanya beberapa kesamaan dalam landasan sistem kepercayaan dan penekanan pada beberapa hal tertentu, seperti hakikat Ketuhanan dan etika praktis, menunjukkan bahwa prinsip-prinsip dasar agama Buddha tidak berubah. Berdasarkan kajian ini terdapat beberapa kesimpulan yang dapat ditarik. Pertama, berbeda dengan identitas etnik yang askriptif, identitas NSI merupakan konstruksi sosial dalam konteks agama Buddha. Kedua, sebagai agency NSI mengkonstruksi identitasnya tidak hanya dengan menekankan pada perbedaan-perbedaan (konflik) tetapi juga melakukan integrasi dengan menekankan pada prinsip-prinsip yang sama dalam agama Buddha. Hal ini mendukung asumsi yang saya kemudkakan di atas. Ketiga, kajian tentang identitas yang difokuskan pada peranan agency dapat digunakan untuk membuat teori struktural-fungsional lebih dinamis dalam memahami perubahan-perubahan yang terjadi di masyarakat.

---

This writing discusses conflict and integration in the construction of identity by NSI (Niciren Syosyu of Indonesia), one of Indonesian Buddhist groups. As identity is socially constructed through differences it may lead to tensions and conflict within a society. This kind of conflict is different from the one that conflict theory (Coser, 1964) perceives. Because people are different that social conflict is basically given. Social conflict does not mean separation. Anthropological studies (Barth, 1988; Geertz, 1973, 1983; Saifuddin, 1986; Malik, 2007) show that people involved in conflict do not separate from others. In this case, conflict is only another aspect of social life and, with another concept, which is integration, form two sides of the same coin. This understanding directs me to assume that by focusing attention to the identity making process we may also know issues of conflict and integration within the society. Using interpretive approach the research was conducted among NSI organization, both members and officials, for more or less six months. Data collection was conducted in two locations: Jakarta in which central office's vihara exists and in Bogor in which vihara Saddharma as central vihara of the organization using methods of participant observation, interview, and documentary study. Identity is aspect in social relation and it is contextual which means that identity constructed in the world that has been socially formed (Eriksen, 1995; Friedman, 1995). NSI, as an agency, creates differentiations in relation to other Buddhist groups. In so doing, NSI classify others in terms of sect category: those who affiliate to Niciren sect (Sokagakkai, BDI (Buddha Dharma Indonesia, and Niciren Syu) and those who are not Niciren (Theravada, Mahayana, Buddhayana, and Tantrayana). In creating its identity NSI creates differences from others concerning Buddhist belief and ritual practices as well as organization. Symbolic strategy is applied by emphasizing different meanings concerning Buddhist belief and ritual, mainly in relation to groups of other sects, whereas practical strategy is employed in terms of organization and ritual aspects such as vihara and bhikkhu, in its relation to groups of Niciren sect. Sharp their distinctions though, there are some that NSI emphasizes both on basic doctrines and sameness of meanings such as in terms of the impersonality of God and practical ethics. Based on the research, it could be inferred some points. First, identity that is constructed by NSI is different from ethnic identity in that the first is socially created and the latter is ascriptive. Secondly, NSI, as an agency, is able to choose and construct new meanings concerning Buddhist religious system to differ from other groups and is able to integrate with them by showing the same foundations of Buddhist doctrines and emphasizing the same interpretation, such as the impersonality of God and practical ethics. This proves my assumption stated above. Thirdly, in respond to Geertz's suggestion to make structural-functional approach more dynamic so that it can be able to study changes in certain society I would say that it may be done by focusing study on identity construction."

"Masalah pengelolaan hutan tidak hanya terletak pada aspek manajemen, teknik budidaya, dan pengolahan hasil hutan, melainkan juga mencakup aspek sosial-budaya yang berhubungan dengan status dan batas kawasan hutan, kewenangan dan kepentingan masyarakat lokal dan pemerintah. Kepentingan masyarakat lokal dan pemerintah atas hutan bersifat kompleks karena dipengaruhi kewenangan dan kesejarahan, nilai sosial, ekonomi, dan ekologi sumberdaya hutan. Tarik menarik kepentingan dan hak penguasaan hutan antara negara dan masyarakat lokal memperlihatkan wujud bekerjanya kekuasaan melalui relasirelasi para pihak yang terlibat dalam pengelolaan hutan. Bekerjanya kekuasaan memengaruhi strategi dan hubungan yang dijalankan kedua pihak untuk mewujudkan tujuan melalui proses ruang lobi dan negosiasi yang akhirnya melahirkan suatu titik temu berupa akomodasi dan integrasi kepentingan individu menjadi kepentingan bersama.Kerangka pemikiran demikian memunculkan pertanyaan: (1) Bagaimana masyarakat lokal dan aparat pemerintah memerankan diri sebagai representasi individu dan representasi otoritas institusi dalam penguasaan hutan? (2) Bagaimana para pihak memerankan otoritas secara berubah-ubah dalam penguasaan sumberdaya hutan? (3) Bagaimana kekuasaan bekerja dan strategi untuk memenangkan proses pembuatan konsensus baru melalui proses negosiasi mencari titik temu berupa akomodasi dan integrasi kepentingan antar-para pihak dalam menyelesaikan konflik? (4) Apa implikasi teoritis memahami hubungan kekuasaan dan strategi dinamis antarpihak dalam pembentukan ruang-ruang negosiasi baru pada penguasaan sumberdaya hutan? Untuk mempelajari bagaimana kekuasaan bekerja dalam praktek-praktek sosial pengelolaan hutan maka teori kekuasaan Michel Foucault dan teori strukturasi Anthony Giddens menjadi inspirasi konseptual. Metode kerja dan analisis memberi penekanan pada tekanan yang terjadi sekarang serta melakukan penelusuran historis (history recall) melalui teknik wawancara mendalam dan pengamatan terlibat. Penelitian lapangan berlangsung dari bulan Agustus 2007 hingga Juli 2009 pada para pihak yang terlibat dalam praktek-praktek pengelolaan dan pemanfaatan hutan di Tana Toraja, Sulawesi Selatan.Kajian ini memperlihatkan, dinamika penguasaan hutan dan hubungan kekuasaan yang terbangun antarpihak dipengaruhi klaim otoritas masing-masing pihak berbasis hukum negara dan adat. Dualisme kekuasaan dengan basis hukum berbeda tersebut terlihat dalam strategi yang dijalankan. Para agen memerankan strategi peran ganda dengan cara mengedepankan kekuatan regulasi formal yang berasal dari negara atau pemerintah dan kekuatan norma-norma adat dan simbol simbol tongkonan untuk mencapai tujuannya. Usaha menonjolkan regulasi formal dan simbol negara bertujuan menciptakan suatu order kepada masyarakat. Namun, pada saat tertentu simbol kekuatan lokal seperti tongkonan beserta adat istiadatnya ditonjolkan untuk meraih kepatuhan masyarakat dan menawar kekuasaan negara. Hal ini menunjukkan, kekuasaan yang ada pada setiap agensi mampu memengaruhi dan mengintervensi serangkaian peristiwa sehingga ia dapat mengubah jalannya peristiwa tersebut sesuai dengan tujuannya. Hubungan kekuasaan dan peran agensi dalam penguasaan sumberdaya hutan terjadi secara kompleks dan berkaitan. Meski menyandang status kawasan hutan negara dengan sistem tata kelola yang diatur negara, namun masyarakat lokal terus menguasai sumberdaya hutan berdasarkan hukum adat, kebiasaan, dan simbol legitimasi yang dimiliki. Situasi itu melahirkan klaim masing-masing agensi sesuai otoritas yang dimilikinya sebagai pemerintah atau penguasa adat. Dominasi negara memunculkan elit lokal untuk melakukan negoisasi dan renegoisasi penguasaan sumberdaya dengan basis legitimasi hukum adat, kebiasaan, dan simbol yang dimiliki masing-masing. Pada sisi lain, kajian ini memperlihatkan, dinamika penguasaan hutan dan hubungan kekuasaan yang terbangun antarpihak tidak hanya dipengaruhi klaim otoritas yang melekat pada masing-masing pihak. Dinamika hubungan yang terjadi ikut dipengaruhi konsekuensi modernitas yang berlangsung di sekitarnya. Kekuatan pasar, intervensi teknologi, perubahan waktu dan ruang sangat berdampak kepada aktivitas sosial dan berimplikasi kepada penilaian-penilaian sosial ekonomi masyarakat. Situasi di mana masing-masing agensi mengklaim sebagai penguasa dengan basis hukum negara dan norma adat melahirkan perubahan dinamis dalam interaksi antaragensi yang terlihat dalam pola hubungan konflik, perlawanan, dan klaim-klaim sumberdaya hutan. Meski demikian, hubungan kekuasaan yang berlangsung dalam realitas pengelolaan hutan oleh negara sering bersifat cair dan dapat dinegosiasikan dengan masyarakat dalam suatu ruang negosiasi baru.Hubungan yang tercipta saat penguasaan hutan ada dalam kekuasaan Tongkonan juga sering bersifat cair dan dinegosiasikan. Hal ini memperlihatkan bahwa dalam proses interaksi sosial tersebut berlangsung atau bekerjanya hubungan kekuasaan dalam suatu proses strukturasi antara agensi dan budaya berupa simbol-simbol relasi, gagasan, keyakinan, nilai dan norma terhadap perubahan dalam suatu dialektik menuju ruang akomodasi dan integratif sebagai suatu kompromi dalam ruang negosiasi baru. Dinamika yang berlangsung dalam hubungan kekuasaan seperti dikemukakan di atas memperlihatkan bahwa kekuasaan yang bekerja secara dinamis melalui suatu proses interaksi sosial para agensi dalam praktek-praktek pengelolaan dan pemanfaatan hutan yang dalam tindakannya dipengaruhi oleh dimensi kesadaran praktis (practical consciousness). Kesadaran praktis ini merupakan seperangkat pengetahuan yang secara implisit digunakan oleh para pelaku bertindak di dalam menghadapi situasi usaha penguasaan hutan yang terjadi secara terus menerus yang lambat laun menjadi struktur. Ketika kesadaran praktis ini dibawa kedalam konteks budaya dan struktur yang bertstrukturisasi dengan tindakan penguasaan sumberdaya hutan maka reproduksi gagasan, identitas, nilai dan norma akan berlangsung secara dinamik dan inovatif yang secara terus menerus berproses (procesual) dalam suatu dialektika struktur dan tindakan. Dalam kompleksitas kepentingan antarpihak, situasi tersebut mendorong lahirnya negosiasi dan konsensus baru dalam suatu ruang negosiasi baru penguasaan hutan. (*).

---

Problems emerged in the management of forest resources are not only emphasized on management, silviculture technique, and forest industrial aspects, but also include socio-cultural aspects related to forest border and status, and authority or interest for local people and government. Interests of local communities and state government toward forest resources are complex. These situations are mainly affected by state authority and historical aspects among them, and values of forest resources such as economic, social and ecological ones. Different point of views and interests on rightbased forest resource control between state government and local communities, emerge because of power exercises among stakeholders on managing social aspects on forest resources. The exercise of power affects the strategies and relationships among them in order to achieve common goals. Achieving the goals is carried out through negotiations and dialogues in order to reach consensus to accommodate and integrate individual interest to become collective agendas.

The framework of this study, then, comes out with some research questions: (1) How do local communities and personnel of state government, as individual and institutional representatives, exercise their roles on forest resource control? (2) How do stakeholders exercise their roles interchangeably on forest resource control? (3) How do the exercise of power from state government, and what are strategies to achieve new agreement through negotiations in order to reach common goals on accommodation and integration of interests among them for conflict resolutions? (4) What are theoretical implications on the study of power relations and dynamic strategies among stakeholders on formulating new form of negotiations for managing forest resources?. In order to analyze the exercise of power in the social aspects of managing forest resources among stakeholders, the conceptual framework are inspired from theory of power from Michael Foucault and structuration theory from Anthony Giddens. Methods and analysis on this study emphasize on current situation and historical recall through in depth interviews and purposive participatory observation. Field study related with forest resources management and utilization and involved stakeholders, has been accomplished in Tana Toraja, South Sulawesi from August 2007 to July 2009. Result of this study shows that the dynamic of forest resource control, and social interactions among agents, is affected by authority claims among actors based on state and customary laws. Dualism of power based on the different laws, emerged from the executed strategies. These agents exercise double role strategy through relying on the power of state formal regulation and the power of customary law and tongkonan symbols in order to reach their goals. Efforts to exercise formal regulations and symbols of state, have an objective to achieve social order. However, in certain cases, local symbol of power such as tongkonan and its customary law, is exercised in order to gain social obedience and to compete with state power. In fact, the power from each agent is able to influence and intervene situations so that it can alter the situations in line with intended objectives.

The interrelationship of power and roles of agents on forest resource control is very complex and related each other. Indonesian Republic State law stated that forest resources are state domain or state property. On the other hand, local people has been controlling forest resource based on customary laws and legitimated local symbols. So, every agents exercise their claims on the resources based on their authority, whether they are as a state government or as a local leaders. State dominations, then, develop local elites in order to negotiate on the forest resource control based on customary laws, local values, norms, and customary symbols. On the other hands, the study for dynamic of forest resource control and power relationship among actors is not only caused by claim authority embedded from each actor, but also other factors. The dynamic of interrelationship is also influenced by the development of modernity. The power of markets, technology interventions, and social changes are strongly affects social activities and causes social-economic valuation of the community.

Situation, in which each agents exercise their claims based on state and customary laws, has caused dynamic change on agents? social interaction on conflicts, resistances and claims over forest resource control. On the other hand, power relationship in the state forest resource control is often flexible and negotiable with local people in a new room of negotiations. The interrelationship emerged in Tongkonan is also flexible and often negotiable. These can be inferred that the social interaction process of power relationship in the structuration between agents and culture (symbols, ideas, beliefs, values, and norms) toward dialectic change on accommodation and integration, perceived as a compromise on new room of negotiation.

The dynamic of power relationship shows that the dynamic power exercises through social interaction process among agents in the management and utilization of forest resource, are caused by dimension of practical consciousness. The practical consciousness is a set of knowledge that implicitly used continuously by agents in order to act toward the forest resource control so that it become structure in the local community. When the practical consciousness is emerged in the culture and structure of forest resource control, the reproduction of ideas, identities, values, and norms will be procesual dynamically and innovatively in dialectic structure and actions. In the complexity of interest among actors, the situation will cause the emergence of new consensus and negotiation in the context of new room of negotiation for forest resource control.(*)"

"Disertasi ini tentang sengketa peebutan sumberdaya langka atau tanah, dan penyelesaiannya, di dalam rangka mendefinisikan kepentingannya, para pihak kepentingan menafsirkan aturan-aturan hukum, pemerinta, individu, kelompok masyarakat, badan-badan hukum dan swasta memakai undang-undang, dan kebijakan-kebijakan pertahanan sosial, sedangkan masyarakat hukum adat berdasarkan hukum adatnya. Dengan demikian terdapat pemaknaan terhadap aturan-aturan hukum itu seperti apa. Dampak adanya berbagai peraturan hukum sumberdaya tanah dapat terjadi perbedaan interpretasi (tafsir) dan benturan-benturan di antara pihak-pihak yang berkepentingan dengan sumberdsaya tanah, yang pada akhirnya akan menimbulkan sengketa yang berkepanjangan. Sengketa dapat terjadi karena memperebutkan sesuatu (tanah) yang sangat berharga dalam kehidupannya, sehingga menimbulkan adanya keluhan, perselisihan, perbedaan kepentingan, ataupun tekanan yang dilakukan oleh pihak yang kuat terhadap pihak yang lemah, sehingga pihak yang merasa dirugikan menyampaikan keluhannya pada pihak yang dianggap melanggar haknya, secara aktif, terbuka, dan melibatkan pihak ketiga. Menjelaskan aksi-aksi sengketa perebutan sumberdaya tanah yang dikonstruksi masyarakat hukum adat papua, digunakan paradigma konstruktivisme, yang dikembangkan oleh para ahli ilmu sosial (sosiologi dan antropologi). Paradigma konstruktivisme menggambarkan proses-proses di mana melalui tindakan dan interaksinya, manusia menciptakan secara terus-menerus sebuah kenyataan atau realitas sosial secara objectif, tetapi berdasarkan makna-makna subjectif, dan refleksi atas isi kesadaran manusia (pengetahuan) yang dijadikan pedoman atau alat interpretasi dalam tindakan manusia. Dalam paradigma ini masyarakat atau manusia ditempatkan bukan sebagai objek tetapi sebagai subjek penelitian yang dinamis, inovatif dan kreatif. Uraian secara terperinci tentang kasus sengketa tanah, menggunakan metode kasus sengketa. melalui metode ini dapat doketahui waktu proses dan sebab-sebab terjadinya sengketa, siapa-siapa saja yang terlibat, strategi yang digunakan, aturan dan lembaga mana yang dipakai dalam menyelesaikan kasus sengketa. Data-data lapangan mengenai sengketa tanah dikumpulkan melalui observasi dan wawancara mendalam. Sengketa perebutan sumberdaya tanah terjadi karena adanya tafsir mengenai hukum adat dan negara, tanah adat dan hak adat, serta rekognisi. masyarakat hukum adat Papua menyelesaikan sengketa tanah menggunakan berbagai lembaga maupun aturan hukum, realita menunjukkan terdapat kondisi majemuk atau pluralitik. Sedangkan strategi penyelesaian sengketa tanah menggunakan cara negosiasi, keterlibatan berbagai aktor, lembaga peradilan, pemalangan, lumping it, dan penduduk. "

"This research derived from Slankers phenomena. Slankers imagine their idol, the image of Slank. Slank is a group band that their music genre composed of pop, rock, blues, and reggae. For Slankers, Slank's songs are not only easy listening and singing, but also presenting the image of Slank. Even though Slank does not present physically, at that time Slank along with others image can be presented in Slankers' imagination. Mami - one of an example-, when she miss her father -who had pass away- she'Il listen to some of Slank"s songs. For her, Slank's songs can present her fathers image and Slank"s image, because her father was a Slanker. After she has listen to the songs, her longing will be tempered. While her imaginative experience comes up, she writes itto Slankers' media.Based on the phenomena, l study literatures in the Anthropology of Experience ((Turner and Bruner 1986 (ed.)), but they do not show the theory of imaginative experience. It urges me to state the objective of this research to construct theory of the imaginative experience. I build the conceptual framework composed of the concept of experience, imagination, and culture Experience is expression of interaction system between categories (Dilthey 1910, in Rickman, (ed.) 1976: 199, 211). imagination is to confront between contradictory categories (Casey 1991:20,42). Culture is constructed (Clemmer 1969:221). Within the composition I found the essence of dialogic, narrative, and narrative dialogic. This led to the development of narrative dialogic ethnography.I argue that the narrative dialogic ethnography is a research paradigm, that consist of (Guba and Lincoln, in Denzin and Lincoln (ed.) 1994: 108-109):- Ontology: to view imaginative experience is an expression system of relation and interaction between categories that to present images, furthermore the system is constructing.- Epistemology: to conduct between categories as the narrative dialogic.- Methodology; to make tense, to confront, to relate, and to interact some categories, and to accommodate some possibilities of sequences from some categories within the topic of imaginative of experience.Based on that paradigm, this research question is how the narrative dialogic ethnography works to construct the theory of imaginative experience. As a foundation, the narrative dialogic ethnography constructs a concept of imaginative experience. Imaginative experience is a narrative dialogic between "the realm of areal" and "the realm of afotik" that activates "the realm of aktinik, with the result is enable to presence a narrative dialogic between "the realm of areal" and "the realm of aktinik". Narrative dialogic can be able to construct the imaginative construction in "the realm of areal" or in "the realm of aktinik". "The realm of areal" is "the realm of physics" that contents of physical presence of certain person, or with others or things in various event. "The realm of afotik" is "the realmof images" that contents of their idol`s image presence. "The realm of aktinik" that contents of both subject and images presence in imagination.Based on that concept, the narrative dialogic ethnography constructs the theory of imaginative experience, that is narrative dialogic among "the realm of areal", "the realm of afotik" with "the realm of aktinik, which are; 1) "the realm of areal" is narrative dialogic between the concept of imaginative dramatic performance (it is performance of experiencer) with the concept of imaginative dramatic identity (it is admission cf others); 2)"the realm of afotik" is narrative dialogic between the concept of imaginative embodiment (it is energy of their idol's image that never last) with the concept of hero (it is their idol's image that have been last their heroic way); 3) "the realm of aktinik' is narrative dialogic between the concept of imaginative symbol and imaginative ritual (it is process of imaginative relationship) with the concept of religion (it is structure of imaginative relationship).This research concludes that;1. The nanative dialogic ethnography more capable to construct the concepts of imaginative experience compared to other anthropological approach, such as Bruner's dialogic narration (2005), Geertz's interpretation of cultures (1973), and Turner"s interpretation of symbols (1967).2. The narrative dialogic ethnography works not only interrelated one concept with others, as realized up till now, but also narrative dialogic one concept with others."

"Kebudayaan Malin anim di Merauke, Papua", lebih ditekankan pada analisa simbol kekuasaan. Unsur karona mempengaruhi timbulnya berbagai aktivitas adat dalam kehidupan orang Malin anim dan menjadikan karona sebagai obyek yang panting. Orang Malin anim berdasarkan aliran pemujaaan Ezam, Zozom, Ima, dan Mayo mendukung karona sebagai simbol kekuasaan yang didukung oleh seperangkat hubungan relasi-relasi kekuasaan yakni: (1) relasi kekuasaan berdasarkan keyakinan (Ezam, Zozom, Ima, Mayo) terpusat pada : (a) keyakinan pada Alawi, Afli, Azz, Anep, Demo, Torem; (b) Animha (manusia sejati); dan (c) Ritus Alngi-Alngi. (2) Berkaitan dengan relasi kekuasaan dalam struktur sosial, terpusat pada: (a) Subordinasi wanita; (b) kekuasaan benahor anem, mitawal boon anem, dan pakas anem, dan (c) Yemesrau Data yang diperlukan, dihimpun melalui suatu penelitian lapangan dengan menggunakan metode pengamatan terlibat dan wawancara secara mendalam.Hasil yang diharapkan dari penelitian ini berupa pelukisan mendalam tentang adat kebiasaan, pranata yang mengatur karona sebagai simbol kekuasaan yang berhubungan dengan makna ilahi (Mahi kalau), sakral (Aman), perkasa (Mahi Kasis), kekuasaan (Mahi Kalau), kekuatan (Kasis), penyeinbuh (Mahi Mboa), penyubur (Mahi), dan pembunuh (Mahi Lavay) yang diaplikasikan dalam kehidupan orang Malin anim. Sedangkan analisa penulisan dengan menggunakan pendekatan empirik kualitatif Adapun kesimpulan teoritisnya yaitu bahwa Karona simbol kekunsaan.The dissertation under the title of: ?THE SYMBOL OF POWER: Karono in Malin Anim Culture in Merauke, Papua", has more emphasis to the symbol of power analysis. The karono element has influenced the arising of various traditional activities in the life of Malin anim people and making karono as an important obyect. The Malin anim people based on the stream of workshipping Ezam, Zozom, Imo, and Mayo have supported karona as the symbol of power as well as supported by a set of interconnected relationships with the power, namely: (1) power relationship based on faith (Ezam, Zozom, Imo, Mayo) which is concentrated in: (a) faith in Alawi, Aili, Azz, Anep, Demo, Totem; (b) Animha (genuine human being); and (c) Alngi-Alngi ritual. Relating to the power relationship in social structure, it is concentrated in: (a) women subordination; (b) the power of benahor anem, mitawal boon anem and palms anem, and (c) yemesrov. The required data is collected through a field research by applying the method of involved observation and in-depth interview.

The result as expected from this research in the form of in-depth description on traditional customs, protocol which regulates karona as the symbol of power as associated with the meaning of divinity (mohi kolau), sacral (amun), might (mahf kosis), power (mahi kalau), strength (kasis), healer (mahi mboa), fertilizer (mahr), and killer (mahi lavay) as applied in the life of Malin anim people. Whereas the analysis on the writing is conducted by applying qualitative empirical approach. As for its theoretical conclusion, namely that of karona as the symbol of power."

"Disertasi ini membahas relasi-relasi kekuasaan di antara pelaku-pelaku di dalam kancah sosial pengelolaan sampah. Kancah sosial pengelolaan sampah dalam penelitian ini dijadikan jendala untuk melihat kekuasaan bekerja dan memberi dampak pada kehidupan sehari-hari, khususnya di bidang kebersihan. Pertanyaannya adalah: bagaimana pelaku-pelaku di kancah sosial pengelolaan sampah melaksanakan dan mengalami kekuasaan sehingga hal itu berdampak pada jalannya penanganan sampah? Disertasi ini dibangun dari penelitian di Kota Depok, mulai dari sumbersumber penghasil sampah di hulu hingga ke tempat-tempat pembuangan sampah di hilir. Keragaman dan variasi jalur pembuangan sampah, serta pelaku pelaku yang menggerakkan system yang beragam itu, menjadi pusat perhatian utama penelitian ini karena hal itulah yang mencerminkan bekerjanya kekuasaan dalam relasi-relasi antar pelaku, di bidang persampahan. Kekuasaan dalam kajian ini difahami sebagai sesuatu yang beredar, cair dan dapat dimanfaatkan oleh semua pelaku dalam relasi-relasinya dengan pelaku yang lain. Oleh sebab itu sangat sulit membayangkan adanya hubungan kekuasaan yang langgeng dan terpola mantap di antara pelaku-pelaku mengingat semua pelaku pada dasarnya tidak pernah diam. Berbagai sumber dapat diakses dan dimanfaatkan oleh setiap pelaku untuk merubah konstruksi hubungan-hubungan yang dirasa kurang seimbang. Namun demikian, perlu digarisbawahi, bahwa kemampuan masing-masing pelaku dengan konteks sosialnya masing-masing, adalah tidak sama sehingga ditemukanlah ada pelakupelaku yang tersingkir, kalah, walaupun mungkin kekalahannya itu hanya sementara. Bukti-bukti dari kancah social pengelolaan sampah menunjukkan bahwa berkuasanya pelaku atas pelaku yang lain tidaklah mencakup keseluruhan hal, melainkan hanya parsial dan temporal. Sifat sementara dari relasi-relasi kekuasan ini tampak semakin nyata karena diperkuat oleh proses globalisasi yang membawa bersamanya diskursus-disrkursus tentang demokrasi, Hak Azasi Manusia, multikulturalisme, otonomi dan lain-lain. Relasi-relasi kekuasaan yang tumbuh dalam lingkungan yang kian terbuka itu, pada akhirnya membawa dampak pada penanganan/pembuangan sampah yang sebagian dapat mengotori wajah perkotaan. Berbagai kepentingan yang diusung oleh para pelaku, menyebabkan penanganan sampah disubordinasikan di bawah kepentingannya yang utama, misalnya ekonomi, harga diri, dan politik. Tetapi boleh jadi juga, kontestasi dan persaingan, yang menyelimuti banyak sekali hubungan di antara pelaku-pelaku, membuat penanganan sampah terwujud dalam performa terbaiknya. Namun harus digarisbawahi, performa ini pun tidak langgeng; bisa bertambah baik tetapi bisa juga bertambah buruk. Relasi-relasi kekuasaan yang cair inilah yang menyebabkan kesementaraan itu terjadi.

---

This disertation discusses power relations among agencies in the social field/arena of waste management. In this case, the waste management is held as a window to see the power works and affects the cleanliness of daily social life. So, the question is: how those agencies do and exercise power that affects process of handling the waste? This writing is constructed from the research which was done in Depok City, from places that produce rubbish to ones in which the waste finally embark. Various ways of throwing away the waste and different agencies who manage its system are the main focus of the research, because their relations, I think, reflect the work of power. Power here is understood as something that is pervasive, fluid and is able to be used by all agencies in relation to each other. Therefore, it is hardly to imagine that power relations among them are forever and stably patterned due to in principle agencies are always moving.Many sources can be gained and differently used by each agencies that construction of their relations are always changing. In addition, it should be underscored that because of different abilities of these agencies and their social contexts that it is understandable if some are found to have been discarded or defeated, but their lost may only be for a while. From investigation of waste management in Depok it has been found the facts that power relations among agencies do not include all aspects of social lives but only occur in certain aspect and time. These partial and temporal relations of power become more and more actual due to and is encouraged by globalisation brought with it discourses of democracy, Human Rights, multiculturalism, otonomy, and so on. Power relations that occur and develop within more open society have lead ultimately to affect treatment of rubbish that cause dirty in certain parts of the city. Various interests held by each agencies make the rubbish treatment subordinated to their self-interests such as economic benefits, self-respect, and politic agenda.It could be stated that contestation and competition among agencies may make the rubbish treatment work properly and at the best. Nevertheless, it should be underscored that this performance is not permanent: it will be getting better or worse. The fluidity of these power relations that causes temporality of this situation to occur."