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Abstrak :
ABSTRAK
Perppu Nomor 1 Tahun 2014 tentang Pemilihan Gubernur, Bupati dan Walikota yang diterbitkan oleh Presiden SBY pada tanggal 2 Oktober 2014 bertujuan untuk mengembalikan mekanisme pemilihan kepala daerah dari dipilih melalui DPRD yang diatur dalam UU Nomor 22 Tahun 2014 menjadi dipilih langsung oleh rakyat. Perppu ini bertentangan dengan sikap politik Koalisi Merah Putih KMP yang semula mendukung mekanisme pemilihan kepala daerah melalui DPRD. Akan tetapi, akhirnya KMP menyetujui untuk mengesahkan Perppu tersebut menjadi Undang-undang. Mengapa KMP mengubah sikap politiknya terhadap mekanisme pemilihan kepala daerah dengan menyetujui Perppu Nomor 1 Tahun 2014? Teori yang digunakan untuk menjawab pertanyaan penelitian ini adalah teori decision making yang dikemukakan oleh Giovanni Sartori. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif, dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui wawancara sebagai sumber data primer dan risalah serta media sebagai sumber data sekunder. Kesimpulan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa perubahan sikap politik KMP diakibatkan oleh adanya tekanan publik, melemahnya soliditas koalisi dan upaya menghindari kekosongan hukum yang kemudian diperkuat dengan adanya kesepakatan politik antara KMP dengan SBY dan Partai Demokrat. Kompensasi yang diterima oleh KMP dari perubahan sikap politiknya adalah berupa dukungan Partai Demokrat di DPR, yang direalisasikan dalam pembagian kursi pimpinan di DPR dan MPR serta kursi pimpinan Komisi DPR.

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ABSTRACT
Perppu number 1 of 2014 on The Election of Governors, Regents, and Mayors which published by President SBY on 2nd October 2014 is an effort to restore the mechanism of local elections from elections through the DPRD as regulated in UU Number 22 of 2014 on the Election of Governor, Regent And the Mayor, becomes directly elected by the people. This Perppu is certainly contrary to the political stance of the Koalisi Merah Putih KMP which originally supported the election of regional heads through the DPRD. However, at last KMP agreed to ratify Perppu No. 1 of 2014 to become UU No. 1 of 2015 on the Election of Governors, Regents and Mayors. Why has the KMP changed their political stance on the local elections mechanism by approving the Perppu No. 1 of 2014 The decision making theory proposed by Geovani Sartori is the main theory of this research. This research uses qualitative research method, with two data collection techniques that are obtained from interviews as primary data sources and minutes and mass media as secondary data sources. The conclusion of the study is that the change over in KMP political stance is due to public pressure, weak coalition and avoiding legal gap which is then strengthened by political agreement between KMP, SBY, and Democratic Party. The compensation received by the KMP from the change of their political stance towards the electoral mechanism of the regional head by approving the Perppu No. 1 of 2014 is in the form of Democratic Party support to the KMP in the DPR, which is realized in the division of position on Head DPR and MPR and also DPR Commission positions.

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ABSTRAK
Penyelesaian Sengketa Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Melalui Peradilan Khusus Desain penyelesaian sengketa pilkada di Indonesia belum terintegrasi dengan baik sehingga seringkali aspek keadilan pemilu electoral justice guna untuk menciptakan pemilu yang bebas dan adil free and fair election belum tercapai. Padahal penyelesaian sengketa pemilihan kepala daerah seharusnya melihat sisi efektifitas dan efisiensi dari lembaga yang menangani sengketa tersebut. Dalam hal penyelesaian sengketa hasil pilkada, terdapat banyak pergantian terkait dengan lembaga yang menanganinya. Hal ini disebabkan oleh penafsiran dari pilkada bagian rezim pemilu atau pemerintahan daerah. Terakhir, UU Nomor 10 Tahun 2016 yang mengatur tentang Pilkada menentukan bahwa penyelesaian sengketa hasil pilkada ada pada Badan Peradilan Khusus. Sebelum adanya peradilan khusus tersebut, Mahkamah Konstitusi masih berwenang untuk mengadili sengketa hasil pilkada. MK menjadi peradilan transisi sebelum adanya badan peradilan khusus yang harus dibentuk sebelum pilkada serentak Tahun 2024. Desain badan peradilan khusus pilkada yang ditawarkan dalam tesis ini tidak hanya mengadili dan menyelesaikan sengketa hasil pilkada, namun juga mengintegrasikan sengketa pilkada lainnya yang memungkinkan untuk diintegrasikan. Sesuai dengan amanat UU Kekuasaan Kehakiman yaitu ada 2 dua syarat formal yang harus dipenuhi dalam membentuk badan peradilan khusus yaitu dibentuk dibawah salah satu lingkungan peradilan dibawah Mahkamah Agung dan dibentuk dengan undang-undang. Peradilan khusus pilkada tersebut dibentuk dibawah lingkungan peradilan tata usaha negara dengan kewenangan mengadili sengketa hasil pilkada dan mengadili perselisihan tata usaha negara mencakup juga perselisihan pemilihan sebagaimana yang ada pada UU 10 Tahun 2016 . Kata Kunci : Sengketa, Pilkada, Peradilan Khusus.

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ABSTRACT
Dispute Resolution of Region Election Through Special Court The dispute resolution design for regional elections in Indonesia has not been well integrated so often the aspects of electoral justice in order to create free and fair election have not been reached. Whereas the resolution of the dispute over the regional head election should see the effectiveness and efficiency of the agency handling the dispute. In the case of dispute resolution of election results, there are many changes related to the agency that handles it. This is due to the interpretation of elections to the election regime or regional government. Finally, Law Number 10 Year 2016 which regulates the Pilkada determines that the resolution of the dispute over the election results is on the Special Court. Prior to the special judiciary, the Constitutional Court is still authorized to adjudicate election disputes. The Constitutional Court becomes a transitional justice before the existence of a special judicial body that must be established before the elections simultaneously in 2024. The design of the special election court body offered in this thesis not only prosecutes and resolves the dispute over election results, but also integrates other electoral disputes that allow for integration. In accordance with the mandate of Judicial Power Law, there are 2 two formal requirements that must be fulfilled in forming a special judicial body that is formed under one of the court environment under the Supreme Court and established by law. The special election court is established under the administrative court of the state with the authority to adjudicate electoral dispute cases and adjudicate state administrative disputes including electoral disputes as well as in Law Number 10 Year 2016 . Keywords Disputes, Regional head elections, Special Court

Abstrak :
Tesis ini meneliti tentang permasalahan Partai Golkar pada pemilihan kepala daerah 2015 di Kabupaten Gowa. Partai Golkar merupakan partai yang terkuat di Sulawesi Selatan dengan memiliki jaringan infrastruktur yang kuat ditandai dengan penguasaannya di sebagian besar jabatan di DPRD Sulawesi Selatan dan kemenangan pasangan calon yang diusung Partai Golkar dalam pemilihan kepala daerah sejak pemilihan kepala daerah secara langsung pada tahun 2005. Menjelang Pemilihan kepala daerah 2015 terjadi konflik internal Partai Golkar dengan adanya dualisme kepengurusan di DPP yaitu kepengurusan Aburizal Bakri dan Agung Laksono. Akibatnya, Partai Golkar mengalami sejumlah permasalahan dalam Pilkada di sejumlah daerah di Indonesia, termasuk Kabupaten Gowa. Untuk mengalisis sejumlah permasalahan Partai Golkar, penulis menggunakan teori institusionalisasi partai politik dari Randal & Svasand, teori faksionalisme elit partai politik dari Francis Boucek dan teori oligarki dari Jeffrey Winters. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, sedangkan teknik pengumpulan data melalui kajian literatur, analisis dokumen serta wawancara mendalam. Temuan dari penelitian ini menunjukkan terdapat tiga permasalahan yang menyebabkan sangat lemahnya pelembagaan Partai Golkar yang berdampak terhadap hasil pemilihan kepala daerah di Kabupaten Gowa. Permasalahan tersebut seperti; pertama, rekrutmen politik yang masih lemah. Proses rekrutmen Golkar dalam menentukan dan menetapkan calon kepala daerah tidak dilakukan sesuai dengan prosedur kebijakan dan aturan partai. Kedua, faksionalisme Partai Golkar yang bedampak terhadap tidak berjalannya mesin pemenangan partai secara maksimal dalam masa pemenangan kandidat akibat konflik internal dan dukungan dari kader yang terpecah. Ketiga, kepemimpinan yang personal dan oligarkis yang membuat pengambilan keputusan di partai semata-mata memberikan ruang kepada tumbuh kembangnya dinasti politik dan pertahanan jaringan kekuasaan di daerah. ...... This thesis examines the problems of the Golkar Party in 2015 head of regency elections in Gowa Regency. The Golkar Party is the strongest party in South Sulawesi with strong infrastructure network marked by its control in most positions in the South Sulawesi DPRD (the regional house of representative) and the victory of the candidates in the  regional head elections that was supported by the this party since direct regional elections was conducted in 2005. Closer to the regional head  election in 2015, Golkar Party faced the internal conflict with the dualism of management in the DPP (central executive board) namely the management of Aburizal Bakri and the management of Agung Laksono. As a result, the Golkar Party experienced a number of problems in the elections in the  numbers of regions in Indonesia, including Gowa Regency. To analyze the number of problems of Golkar Party, the researcher uses the theory of institutionalization of political parties from Randal & Svasand, the electoral theory of elite political parties from Francis Boucek and the oligarchic theory of Jeffrey Winters. This study uses qualitative methods, while the technique of collecting data conducted through literature review, analysis documents as well as in-depth interviews. The findings of this study indicate that there are three problems that have caused the very weak institutionalization of the Golkar Party which has an impact on the results of regional head elections in Gowa Regency. The First problem is the political recruitment is still weak. The process of Golkar recruitment in determining and assigning regional head candidates is not carried out according to party policy and rule procedures. Second, the factionalism of the Golkar Party has an impact on the failure in maximazing the the party's winning machine for its candidates due to internal conflicts and the support of cadres is divided. Third, personal and oligarchic leadership that makes decision-making in parties solely provides space for the development of political dynasties and the defense of power networks in the regions.

Abstrak :
Tulisan ini menganalisis penyimpangan teori kontrol sipil dalam pengisian kekosongan jabatan penjabat kepala daerah dan bagaimana idealnya pengangkatan penjabat kepala daerah tersebut harus mengutamakan supremasi sipil. Tulisan ini disusun menggunakan metode penelitian doktrinal. Teori kontrol sipil melihat bagaimana hubungan sipil-militer dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan di suatu negara. Akan bersifat subjektif apabila terjadi pelemahan fungsi militer atau politisasi militer dan akan bersifat objektif apabila militer menjadi institusi yang professional. Perwujudan negara hukum yang demokratis terlihat dari implementasi kontrol sipilnya. Kewenangan militer yang terbatas pada pertahanan dan keamanan negara mendesak mereka menjadi sebuah institusi yang harus mengutamakan profesionalisme.Supremasi sipil terwujud apabila negara mampu memberikan batasan kewenangan militer atas pemerintahan sipil. TAP MPR No. VII/MPR/2000 menegaskan selain TNI dilarang untuk terlibat dalam kehidupan politik dan kegiatan politik praktis, TNI hanya diperbolehkan untuk menduduki jabatan sipil apabila telah pensiun atau mengundurkan diri. UU No. 34 Tahun 2004 membuka jalan keterlibatan TNI aktif menduduki jabatan sipil diikuti dengan Putusan MK No. 15/PUU-XX/2022 yang memperbolehkan TNI/Polri menjadi penjabat kepala daerah. Pengangkatan Penjabat Bupati Kabupaten Seram Bagian Barat pada tahun 2022 yang lalu bertentangan dengan teori kontrol sipil karena menempatkan militer akif menduduki jabatan sipil yang cenderung bersifat politis karena kewenangan yang melekat padanya. Pengisian jabatan penjabat kepala daerah seharusnya lebih mengutamakan supremasi sipil dan TNI harus mengedepankan profesionalisme institusinya dengan membatasi keterlibatannya dalam pemerintahan sipil karena cakupan kewenangan TNI ialah sebagai alat pertahanan dan keamanan negara. ......This article analyzes deviations from the theory of civil control in filling vacancies in the position of acting regional head and how ideally the appointment of acting regional heads should prioritize civilian supremacy. This article was prepared using doctrinal research methods. Civil control theory looks at how civil-military relations play out in the administration of government in a country. It would be subjective if there is a weakening of military functions or politicization of the military and it would be objective if the military becomes a professional institution. The realization of a democratic rule of law could be seen from the implementation of civilian control itself. The military's constrained mandate for national defense and security necessitates its transformation into an institution that prioritizes professionalism. Civil supremacy is occured if the state is able to limit military authority over civilian government. Decree of MPR No. VII/MPR/2000 emphasized that apart from the TNI being prohibited from being involved in political life and practical political activities, the TNI were only allowed to hold civilian positions if they had retired or resigned. Law No. 34 of 2004 paved the way for the active TNI involvement in civilian positions followed by Constitutional Court Decision No. 15/PUU-XX/2022 which allows the TNI/Polri becomes acting regional heads. The appointment of the Acting Regent of West Seram Regency in 2022 runs counter to the principle of civilian control, as it involves placing active military personnel in civilian roles that often have political implications due to the associated authority. Filling the position of acting regional head should prioritize civilian supremacy and the TNI must prioritize the professionalism of its institutions by limiting its involvement in civilian government because the scope of the TNI's authority is as a means of state defense and security.

Abstrak :
Pada 2005, Bupati Bojonegoro menulis Surat Bupati Bojonegoro No. 050/872/412/12/2005 yang dianggap mengikat PT Asri Dharma Sejahtera untuk bekerja sama dengan PT Surya Energi Raya. Walaupun Surat a quo pada esensinya hanya merupakan surat balasan, Surat a quo dianggap sebagai suatu Keputusan Tata Usaha Negara yang mengikat PT Asri Dharma Sejahtera. Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk mengetahui kewenangan kepala daerah dalam pengelolaan Badan Usaha Milik Daerah (BUMD), khususnya Bupati Kabupaten Bojonegoro untuk melakukan penyetujuan badan usaha sebagai rekanan kerjasama BUMD. Penelitian ini meninjau kasus Surat Bupati Bojonegoro No. 050/872/412/12/2005 yang menyetujui kerjasama pendanaan Participating Interest Blok Cepu antara PT Surya Energi Raya dengan PT Asri Dharma Sejahtera selaku BUMD serta untuk meninjau bagaimana keberlakuan serta kekuatan hukum Surat Bupati Bojonegoro No. 050/872/412/12/2005. Penelitian ini diselenggarakan dengan jenis penelitian yuridis-normatif. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa kepala daerah khususnya Bupati Kabupaten Bojonegoro hanya dapat bertindak sebagai pemegang saham dalam pengelolaan BUMD, bukan sebagai Direksi dan Surat Bupati Bojonegoro No. 050/872/412/12/2005 tidak memiliki keberlakuan dan kekuatan hukum yang mengikat serta tidak dapat dikategorikan sebagai sebuah Keputusan Tata Usaha Negara.

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In 2005, the Regent of Bojonegoro release the Bojonegoroâ??s Regent Letter No. 050/872/412/12/2005 which is presumed to binds PT Asri Dharma Sejahtera to partner with PT Surya Energi Raya. Though the letter was only meant as a reply note, the letter still presumed by many as a State Administrative Decree that binds PT Asri Dharma Sejahtera. This study was conducted to determine the existence of the authority of the regional head regarding the management of Regional Owned Enterprises (ROE), especially the Regent of Bojonegoro to make approval of business entities as partners in the cooperation with Regional Owned Enterprises (ROE). This study examines the case of Bojonegoroâ??s Regent Letter No. 050/872/412/12/2005 which approved the cooperation in funding the Blok Cepu Participating Interest between PT Surya Energi Raya and PT Asri Dharma Sejahtera as ROE and to examine how is the legal strength of the Bojonegoro Regent Letter No. 050/872/412/12/2005. This study was conducted with a juridical normative research type. The results of this study indicate that the regional head, especially the Regent of Bojonegoro can only act as a shareholder in the management of the ROE, not as the Board of Directors and the Bojonegoro Regent Letter No. 050/872/412/12/2005 has no binding legal force and cannot be categorized as a State Administrative Decree.

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Tesis ini menganalisis paradoks tidak diaturnya perlindungan pelapor pelanggaran pada Undang-Undang tentang Pemilu dan Undang-Undang tentang Pilkada. Alasannya terlaksananya pemilu dan pilkada yang demokratis sangat membutuhkan partisipasi masyarakat untuk ikut awasi pemilu, tidak dapat hanya diserahkan kepada Bawaslu karena berbagai keterbatasannya. Terlebih tren pelaporan dugaan pelanggaran oleh masyarakat terus mengalami penurunan baik di pemilu maupun pilkada. Tesis ini bermaksud menjawab apa saja yang menjadi paradoks tidak diaturnya perlindungan pelapor dalam UU Pemilu dan UU Pilkada serta bagaimana konsep ideal dari pengaturan perlindungan yang seharusnya diatur. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan perundang-undangan, pendekatan konseptual, dan pendekatan kasus, berhasil ditemukan bahwa konstruksi perlindungan pelapor dalam UU Pemilu dan UU Pilkada kontradiksi terhadap empat aspek, yakni terhadap makin strategisnya peran pelapor, meningkatnya jumlah ketentuan pidana dan administrasi pada UU Pemilu dan Pilkada, kuatnya jaminan perlindungan hak asasi manusia, dan kontradiksi terhadap perluasan perlindungan pelapor. Dengan berbagai pendekatan yang dilakukan disimpulkan idealitas perlindungan terhadap pelapor pelanggaran pemilu dan pilkada adalah dengan cara merumuskan ketentuan perlindungan preventif melalui pemberian kewajiban bagi Lembaga terkait untuk melindungai pelapor, perahasiaan identitas pelapor dan sanksi bagi pembocor identitas pelapor, serta larangan pembalasan dendam dan sanksi berat terhadap pelanggaran tersebut. Pengaturan preventif itu akan menyempurnakan konsep perlindungan pelapor di Indonesia yang saat ini secara represif telah diatur dalam UU Perlindungan Saksi dan Korban dan lebih menjamin menciptakan iklim perlindungan pelapor yang kondusif dalam pelaksanaan pemilu dan pilkada di Indonesia. ......This thesis analyzes the paradox of the unregulated protection of election fraud complainant in the Law on General Election and Regional Head Election. The reason is that the implementation of democratic elections requires public participation to participate in supervising the elections, it cannot only be left to Bawaslu because of various limitations. Moreover, the trend of reporting alleged violations by the public continues to decline both in the general election and regional head elections. This thesis intends to answer what is the paradox of the unregulated protection of election fraud complainant in the Election Law and the Regional Election Law and how the ideal concept of the protection arrangement should be regulated. By using a statutory approach, conceptual approach, and case approach, it was found that the construction of the protection of whistleblowers in the Election Law and the Regional Head Election Law contradicts four aspects, namely the increasingly strategic role of reporters, the increasing number of criminal and administrative provisions in the Election and Regional Head Election Law, the strong guarantee of the protection of human rights, and the contradiction to the extension of the whistleblower protection. With the various approaches taken, it is concluded that the ideal of protection for whistleblowers of election and regional election violations is to formulate preventive protection provisions through the provision of obligations for relevant institutions to protect the whistleblower, confidentiality of the reporter's identity and sanctions for whistleblowers' identity, as well as prohibition of retaliation and severe sanctions for violations. the. This preventive arrangement will improve the concept of protecting whistleblowers in Indonesia, which is currently repressively regulated in the Witness and Victim Protection Law and will further guarantee to create a climate of protection for whistleblowers that is conducive to the implementation of general elections and local elections in Indonesia.

Abstrak :
This research departs from the victory of President Joko Widodo's son and son-in-law in the 2020 Regional Head Election. Approximately 44% or 55 candidates of the 124 regional head candidates who have a kinship with the authorities are confirmed to win the 2020 simultaneous Regional Head Election and stroll as regional heads. For this reason, this study will explore the phenomenon of winning candidates exposed to kinship politics, especially with the president in the 2020 Regional Head Election. This research also analyzes some of the causes of nepotism in the democratic system that are still visible in the 2020 simultaneous Regional Head Election. To achieve this goal, the research uses descriptive research methods with a qualitative approach. The method was chosen because the 2020 simultaneous Regional Head Election were multidimensional. The results of the study found several factors that led to kinship politics still coloring the 2020 Regional Head Election, including the advancement of candidates who were exposed to kinship with the president. These factors, such as the popularity of family names, are deliberately carried out by politicians as a way of inheriting power and the weak democratization of political parties, such as recruiting candidates for the regional head. This also led to candidates exposed to kinship with the president in striding to win the Regional Head Election. This research concludes that kinship should be able to lead to moral behavior, not just a pursuit of power. Concerning kinship politics, it can be controlled through internal reforms of political parties as institutions that carry out the role of candidate recruitment.

Abstrak :
Kinship politics has become an old topic of discussion in all countries that adhere to democracy, even for a democratic example country like America. The phenomenon of kinship politics is also inseparable from democracy in Indonesia. The rise of kinship politics is reflected in the implementation of the 2020 Regional Head Elections. This has caused concern from various groups, from the general public to democracy experts. They assume that the practice of kinship politics will harm political developments in Indonesia. Based on this phenomenon, this article aims to review kinship politics in the 2020 Regional Head Elections. The review covers implementing kinship politics, the reasons for the widespread practice of kinship politics in Indonesia, and its implications for governance practices in Indonesia. The methodology used is the method of literature study or literature review. Based on the findings, kinship politics in Indonesia occurs in almost all regions in Indonesia and strengthens in the 2020 Regional Head Elections. This happens because of the pattern of patron-client. Furthermore, negative implications are found in a patronage network that leads to cases of KKN-the Indonesian acronym for corruption, collusion, and nepotism, the destruction of local democracy, and moral hazard problems. The alternative used is political party reform, where the party applies a transparent and merit-based mechanism for regeneration.

Abstrak :
Penelitian ini memiliki dua tujuan yaitu menganalisis peran politik dalam proses penyusunan anggaran pada saat tahapan evaluasi antara kepala daerah dengan DPRD serta memberikan rekomendasi proses penyusunan anggaran dengan mempertimbangkan peran politik supaya tidak disalahgunakan. Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi adanya informasi yang mengungkapkan tentang penyalahgunaan peran politik dalam proses penyusunan anggaran (mafia anggaran). Penyusunan anggaran yang tidak benar justru menjadi peluang awal terjadinya korupsi. Penelitian memberikan saran dan rekomendasi tentang proses penyusunan anggaran dengan adanya keterlibatan peran politik. Objek penelitian ini adalah kabupaten DEF di Pulau Sumatera yang memiliki kasus korupsi berkaitan dengan anggaran sebagaimana informasi yang dipublikasikan oleh KPK pada tahun 2018. Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus. Analisis dilakukan menggunakan metode konten dan tematik dengan kuesioner dan wawancara. Kuesioner dan wawancara didesain berdasarkan rumusan masalah dan disebarkan kepada pegawai yang melakukan proses penyusunan anggaran (bagian perencanaan SKPD). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa peran politik memberikan peran negatif dan positif. Peran politik tidak hanya memberikan dampak positif (berupa alat penyaluran aspirasi publik) tetapi juga terdapat risiko negatif yaitu konflik kepentingan yang disalahgunakan untuk hal tertentu. Peran politik lebih tidak bergantung pada peraturan, salah satunya politik dapat disalahgunakan untuk mengubah kegiatan atau program dalam anggaran dengan dasar kepentingan. Penelitian menemukan bahwa untuk mengakomodasi keterlibatan peran politik dalam proses penyusunan anggaran perlu adanya pengendalian dari Aparat Pengawasan Internal Pemerintah (APIP) dengan mempertimbangkan tujuan dan sasaran. ......This research has two main objectives, revealing the role of politic in budget process and giving recommendation on how budget process is able to accommodate them. This research is motivated by the information that politic is misused (budget mafia). Missaproriation of budgeting process whichs not following strategic policy is an initial of fraud. This study analyzes further about budget process with the involvement of politic. The object of this research is city of DEF one of the city in sumatera island where this region is having some cases of coruption related to budget published by KPK 2018.This research uses qualitative research and case studies which explains why and how the phenomena is occured. The analysis used content and thematic method by open questionnaires and interview. Questionnaries and interview are designed based on research question and distributed to employees who ever involved in budget process (planning division). The results shows that politic gives negative and positive role. Politic is not only give positive impact as public channel but also negative risk such as conflict of interest whereas politic is abused for certain interest. Politic is more independence than rule. The forms of politic is misused due the changes the budget activity or program. It is found that Aparat Pengawasan Internal Pemerintah (APIP) has important role to help the control by managing the budget change compare to goals and objectives.