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Abstrak :
Identity can have diverse meanings, social identities (class, race, ethnicity, gender, and sexuality) and political identities (nationally and citizenship). Political identity is conceptually differ from the politics of identity.

Abstrak :
Minangkabau ethnic group known is very strictly implement custom of matrilineal. One of these values is male position (sumando) that marginal, because according to matrilineal custom, a man is urang asing (outsiders) in the group of women (wife families). This is expressed through the proverb bak abu diateh tunggua (like ashes on the stump). This position of course is not profitable, so that they have to negotiate with the women to strengthen ?the identity of maleness" of them. It shows the politics movement of Minangkaba?s men in an effort to show and strengthen their identity. This political identity of Minangkabau?s man will be understood identity politics Minangkabau men will be understood in the case of the existence of traditional institutions. The research assumption, in Minangkabau society that embraces and strengthens matrilineal custom (women custom) was found that traditional institutions more dominated by men. While traditional institutions for women does not stand out, impress hidden, and there is no variation than bundo kanduang (the main women). This article to described how men of Minangkabau through traditional institutions reinforce the position, while the bundo Kanduang?s position only limited powers in rumah gadang alone. Moreover, bundo Kanduang understood even without any power, because bundo kanduang just as the wife of penghulu (clan leaders).

Abstrak :
ABSTRAK Saudi Arabia merupakan Negara Islam Monarki dengan landasan undangundang berdasarkan hukum Islam. Dengan menempatkan A1-Qur'an sebagai paradigms berpikir, Kerajaan Saudi Arabia mencoba menggagas konsep kenegaraan yang bersifat sempurna dan tanpa campur tangan pemikiran sekuler lainnya. Paradigma konstitusional Islam yang digunakan oleh Kerajaan Saudi Arabia ini telah banyak dipengaruhi pola pikir keislaman wahabi sebagaimana yang digagas dan dikembangkan oleh Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab (1115 1-1I1701 M - 1206 HI1793 M). Kemitraan Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab berawal ketika perkenalannya dengan Muhammad bin Sa'ud (pendiri kerajaan Saudi Arabia) pada tahun 1744 M yang kemudian lewat upacara sumpah menetapkan Muhammad ibn Sa'ud sebagai Amir (pemimpin) dan Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab menjadi imam. Kongsi politik ini kemudian juga diperkuat dengan prosesi pernikahan putra tertua Muhammad bin Sa'ud, Abdul Aziz bin Sa'ud dengan puff Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab. Peran dan pengaruh paham keagamaan wahabi ini terus berlanjut hingga sepeninggal para tokohnya itu, Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab dan Muhammad bin Sa'ud. Banyaknya keturunan dan murid seta. Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab yang menjadi Qadi (hakim) dan pejabat pemerintah, baik pada masa Saudi I maupun Saudi II, dapat menjadi bukti bahwa roda pemerintahan Kerajaan Saudi Arabia diwarnai oleh paradigma-paradigma wahabi dalam menentukan sistem dan kebijakan politiknya. Paradigma-paradigma wahabi inilah yang kemudian mengidentitaskan politik Kerajaan Saudi Arabia sebagai bagian integral dari ideologi wahabi.

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ABSTRACT Saudi Arabia is the Monarchic Islam State by the based on Islam law. By taking Al-Qur'an as paradigm of thinking, Saudi Arabia tries to concept the perfect politic without secular idea intervention. Islamic constitutional paradigm is used by Saudi Arabia have influenced by Islamic mindset of Wahabi as well as developed by Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab (1115 W1701 M - 1206 HI1793 M). The first partnering of Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab and Muhammad bin Sa'ud (founder of Saudi Arabia) is 1744 M which the curse ceremony to specify Muhammad bin Sa'ud as Amir (Leader) and Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab become the imam (Religion Leader), This political combination is strengthened with the eldest nuptials procession of Muhammad bin Sa'ud son, Abdul Ariz bin Sa'ud with Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab girl. The role and influences of Wahabi religious understanding is still going until that figure died, Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab and Muhammad bin Sa'ud. Many clan and pupil of Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab is becoming Qadi (governmental judge) and official government, Saudi I period nor Saudi II period, can become the evidence that monarchic governance of Saudi Arabia is influenced by Wahabi paradigm in its determining system and political policy. This Wahabi paradigm is becoming political identity of Saudi Arabia as integral part of Wahabi ideology.

Abstrak :
Ekonom terkemuka dunia seperti Adam Smith dan Acemoglu serta Prof. Dr. Boediono, Guru Besar Universitas Gadjah Mada sekaligus Wakil Presiden RI tahun 2009 – 2014 menekankan pentingnya peranan kelembagaan dalam pertumbuhan dan kestabilan ekonomi. Dalam hal ini, kelas menengah diharapkan dapat berperan sebagai kelas reformis dan penentu terciptanya kelembagaan politik dan ekonomi melalui dukungan terhadap demokrasi sebagai bentuk kelembagaan yang mengusung inklusivitas diantara keberagaman yang ada di Indonesia. Dalam penelitian ini, dukungan tersebut diamati melalui perilaku politik yang mencakup partisipasi memilih dan pilihan partai politik. Data makro menunjukkan bahwa secara nasional, proporsi kelas menengah tidak berpengaruh nyata terhadap angka partisipasi memilih di suatu wilayah. Begitupun dengan evaluasi dampak terhadap individu yang mengungkapkan bahwa peningkatan status ekonomi seseorang dari miskin ke kelas menengah tidak berpengaruh nyata pada perilaku memilih. Namun, berdasarkan wilayah, secara umum kelas menengah di daerah perdesaan dan luar Jawa lebih aktif dibanding di perkotaan ataupun Jawa. Dari sisi pilihan politik, terdapat hubungan non-linier (kurva U terbalik) antara proporsi kelas menengah dengan pilihan partai politik Islam. Semakin besar proporsi kelas menengah politik identitas semakin menguat, namun pada proporsi tertentu (sekitar 30%) politik identitas ini semakin melemah. Dengan demikian, masih tersisa harapan bahwa kelas menengah di Indonesia dapat mendukung kemajuan bangsa melalui kontribusinya dalam menguatkan kelembagaan politik dan ekonomi apabila proses pemilihan berlangsung sesuai dengan aturan menghasilkan outcome yang tercermin dalam tata kelola pemerintahan yang berkinerja baik dan terpercaya. ......World-renowned economists such as Adam Smith and Acemoglu as well as Prof. Dr. Boediono, Professor at Gadjah Mada University and Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia in 2009 – 2014 emphasize the importance of the role of institutions in economic growth and stability. In these terms, the middle class is expected to represent the reformist class and determine the achievement of political and economic institutions through support for democracy as an institutional form that promotes inclusivity among the diversity that exists in Indonesia. In this study, this support is observed through political behavior which includes voting participation and choice of political parties. Macro data shows that nationally, the proportion of the middle class has no significant effect on the voter turnout rate in a region. Likewise, the evaluation of the impact on individuals revealed that increasing a person's economic status from poor to middle class had no significant effect on voting behavior. However, based on region, in general, the middle class in rural areas and outside Java is more active than in urban areas or Java. In terms of political choice, there is a non-linear relationship (inverted U curve) between the proportion of the middle class and the choice of Islamic political parties. The larger the proportion of the middle class, the stronger the identity politics, but at a certain proportion (about 30%) this identity politics is getting weaker. Thus, there is still hope that the middle class in Indonesia can support the progress of the nation through its contribution to strengthening political and economic institutions if the election process takes place by statutory regulations, producing outcomes that are reflected in governance that performs well and is trusted.

Abstrak :
Tulisan ini mengangkat tentang pentingnya pengalaman dalam merumuskan identitas politik perempuan, sesuatu yang krusial ketika pejabat publik menentukan kebijakan seperti apa yang tepat dan sesuai untuk kelompok perempuan. Dengan latar belakang wajah politik yang seringkali tampil dalam balutan maskulinitas, momentum keterbukaan partisipasi politik perempuan melalui kebijakan affirmative action di Indonesia disambut dengan hangat sebagai sesuatu yang positif untuk melawan diskriminasi yang selama ini dialami perempuan. Persoalan yang muncul adalah para pelaku politik terjebak euforia dari representasi gender tanpa memahami persoalan substansial yang mereka hadapi. Data dalam penulisan ini dikumpulkan melalui penelusuran studi pustaka, pengumpulan data publikasi lembaga serta artikel daring. Data tersebut dianalisis menggunakan perspektif pemikiran Iris Marion Young tentang serialitas pengalaman perempuan. Tulisan ini mengungkap sesuatu yang transendental, bahwa ada “normalisasi” atribut atas pengalaman dan definisi perempuan. Melalui penelitian ini terlihat bahwa tren peningkatan kuantitas dari representasi perempuan di parlemen bukanlah hal yang paling dibutuhkan, melainkan pengakuan negara atas identitas politik perempuan yang kemudian akan merekonstruksi pola pikir sistem politik serta para perwakilan perempuan politis yang ada di Indonesia saat ini. Implikasinya, harus dilakukan redefinisi atas makna identitas perempuan oleh negara agar ruang publik yang telah direbut melalui kebijakan affirmative action tidak hanya diisi oleh lip service, namun juga mampu mencapai tujuan awalnya, yakni menciptakan keadilan dan kondisi politik yang anti-diskriminasi.

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This paper raises the importance of experience in formulating women's political identity, it is something crucial when public officials determine what policies are appropriate for women's groups. With a background in the face of politics that often appears in covered  with of masculinity, the momentum of open political participation of women through the affirmative action policy in Indonesia was warmly welcomed as something positive to fight the discrimination that had been experienced by women. The problem that arises is that political actors are trapped in euphoria from gender representation without understanding the substantial problems they face. The data in this writing was collected through literature study searches as well as collection of institutional publication data and online articles. The data was analyzed using the perspective of Iris Marion Young's thoughts on the seriality of women's experiences. This paper reveals something transcendental, that there is a "normalization" of attributes and experiences of women. Through this research it can be seen that it is not the trend of increasing the quantity of women representatives in parliament that is needed, but the state's recognition of women's political identity which will later reconstruct the mindset of the political system and representatives of political women in Indonesia today. The implication, redefinition must be made on the meaning of women's identity by the state so that the public sphere that has been seized through the affirmative action policy is not only filled by lip service, but is also able to achieve its original goal, namely to create justice and anti-discrimination political conditions.

Abstrak :
ABSTRAK
Demonstrasi, protes, tanda tangan petisi, aksi anarkis, dan aksi terorisme merupakan contoh aksi kolektif. Terdapat dua bentuk aksi kolektif, yakni aksi damai (normatif) dan kekerasan (tidak-normatif). Intensi aksi kolektif solidaritas merupakan fokus kajian pada penelitian terkait dengan solidaritas Muslim Indonesia pada konflik Palestina-Israel. Penelitian ini berusaha untuk menggali apa saja faktor yang melandasi sekumpulan orang ingin melakukan aksi kolektif solidaritas bentuk normatif atau tidak-normatif pada konteks konflik Palestina- Israel. Melalui studi survei korelasional, penelitian ini menganalisis data yang berasal dari 460 mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia. Data diperoleh dengan survei online dan paper-and-pencil menggunakan 8 alat ukur yang valid dan reliabel terdiri dari skala intensi aksi kolektif solidaritas bentuk normatif, intensi aksi kolektif solidaritas bentuk tidak-normatif, identitas sosial politik, efikasi kelompok, emosi berbasis kelompok yang terdiri dari emosi marah, merendahkan, bangga, dan berani. Kami menggunakan uji confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), regresi, dan uji pemodelan atau structural equation modeling (SEM) untuk analisis statistik melalui Lisrel pada pengujian validitas dan reliabilitas alat ukur dan semua hipotesis. Hasil temuan penelitian ini adalah identitas sosial politik merupakan sentral dari prediktor aksi kolektif solidaritas bentuk normatif ataupun tidak-normatif. Pada aksi kolektif normatif dipengaruhi secara positif oleh identitas sosial politik, emosi marah berbasis kelompok dan efikasi. Sementara itu, pada aksi kolektif tidak-normatif diprediksi secara positif oleh identitas sosial politik dan secara negatif oleh efikasi kelompok. Temuan ini erat kaitannya dengan konteks penelitian yang terkait dengan isu keadilan, kekerasan suci, dan keagamaan.

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ABSTRACT
Demonstration, protest, signing the petition, anarchist acts, and terrorism are the examples of the collective action. There are two forms of such action, the peaceful acts (normative) or violence acts (non-normative). This study examined the intention to conduct solidarity collective action among Indonesian Moslems in the context of Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The factors underlying this intention of people to take a solidarity collective action with normative or non-normative forms in the context of Palestinian-Israel conflict were being investigated. Through a correlational survey study, this study analyzed the predictors of intention to conduct solidarity collection action in 460 Indonesian Moslems students. The data was gathered by online survey and paper-and-pencil methods by using 8 measurements: intention of conducting solidarity normative collective action, intention of solidarity non-normative collection action, social political identity, group-efficacy, group-based emotion scale which consist of anger, contempt, pride, and brave. We administered the confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), regression, and structural equation modelling (SEM) in the series of statistical analysis with Lisrel to test the validity and reliability of measurements and to test all our hypotheses. We found that socio-political identity to be a central predictor of intention for conducting solidarity collective action (normative and non-normative). Specifically, intention of solidarity normative collective action is predicted positively by socio-political identity, group-based anger, and group efficacy. Meanwhile, the intention of conducting solidarity non-normative collective action is predicted positively by socio-political identity and negatively by group efficacy. This finding is closely related to the context of studies with justice, sacred violence, and religion as the issues.