Hasil Pencarian  ::  Simpan CSV :: Kembali

Abstrak :
Dialectics between elite in Banyumas regency to give unique local-politics. How millitary regime strong on this regency, but capital actors most dominate for all. Capital domination to give a populis public policy in Banyumas, but in others perspective give civil society groups resistance in Banyumas.

Abstrak :
During the Javanese historical development since the First Mataram Empire until today, Javanese cultural concepts as cultural syncretism of early Hindu-Buddhism, latter Hindu-Buddhism and Islam tends to be preserved. In its contact with later concepts from the west, such as formal education, modern politics and the entrance of various ideologies such as nationalism, capitalism, socialism, democracy and so on, has not negated those Javanese cultures. The main problem posed in this article is as follow: to what extent Javanese value of political power has been embraced by elites from Surakarta and Yogyakarta palaces. Whether their values are still strong or has it been diminished. Results reached in this research are: (1) Dominant perception of the elite, shows that their understanding of Javanese political power is still strong. They still strongly embraced the palace tradition and fully involved in all palace's rituals; (2) Western cultural penetration has not able to negate the strong rooted Javanese culture from these palace's elites. Their spirits are still bound to the Javanese culture which surrounded their palace; (3) Javanese sense of political power will play important role when it is positioned as spiritual power to those "njawani" rulers.

Abstrak :
Proses pemekeran Provinsi Cirebon dimulai sejak tahun 2009, ketika Presidium Pembentukan Provinsi Cirebon (P3C) dideklarasikan. Sampai tahun 2019, P3C belum mampu membentuk koalisi elite politik lokal untuk mengusulkan pemekaran Provinsi Cirebon, sebagaimana yang tercantum dalam Pasal 8 Peraturan Pemerintah No 78 tahun 2007 tentang tata cara pembentukan, penghapusan, dan penggabungan daerah menyebutkan bahwa cakupan wilayah pembentukan provinsi paling sedikit 5 (lima) kabupaten/kota. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode penelitian studi kasus yang berada di wilayah Kabupaten Cirebon, Kabupaten Majalengka, Kabupaten Indramayu, Kabupaten Kuningan dan Kota Cirebon (ciyaumajakuning). Teknik pengambilan data dilakukan dengan wawancara, observasi dan dokumentasi, teknik analisis data menggunakan reduksi data, penyajian data dan penarikan kesimpulan. Hasil menunjukkan bahwa tidak terbentuknya koalisi elite politik lokal di ciayumajakuning dikarenakan adanya perbedaan isu di antara kelompok elite politik lokal yang menyetujui (elite politik di Kabupaten Cirebon, Kabupaten Indramayu dan Kota Cirebon) dengan elite politik lokal yang menolak (elite politik di Kabupaten Majalengka dan Kabupaten Kuningan) mengenai isu pemanfaatan sumber daya ekonomi, pembangunan daerah, kepentingan politik, etnisitas dan sejarah politik eks-karesidenan Cirebon. Selain itu, lemahnya koalisi elite politik lokal yang hanya didukung oleh tiga wilayah dan perilaku koruptif para elite yang menyetujui usulan pemekaran Provinsi Cirebon baik di tingkat bawah maupun tingkat atas, berakibat pada tidak terbentuknya pemekaran Provinsi Cirebon selama tahun 2009-2019. ......The proliferation process of the Cirebon Province began in 2009, when the Presidium Pembentukan Provinsi Cirebon (P3C) was declared. Until 2019, the P3C had not been able to form a coalition of local political elites to propose the proliferation of the Cirebon Province, as stated in Article 8 of Government Regulation No. 78 of 2007 concerning the procedures for forming, abolishing and merging regions, stating that the area of the formation of provinces was at least 5 (five) district / city. This study uses a qualitative approach with case study research methods in the areas of Cirebon Regency, Majalengka Regency, Indramayu Regency, Kuningan Regency and Cirebon City (ciyaumajakuning). Data collection techniques carried out by interviews, observation and documentation, data analysis techniques using data reduction, data presentation and drawing conclusions. The results show that there was no coalition of local political elites in the Ciayumajakuning area due to differences in issues between local political elite groups that agreed (political elites in Cirebon Regency, Indramayu Regency and Cirebon City) with local political elite groups that refused (political elites in Majalengka Regency and Regency Kuningan) concerning the issue of utilizing economic resources, regional development, political interests, ethnicity and the political history of the ex-residency of Cirebon. In addition, the weak coalition of the local political elite which was only supported by three regions and the corrupt behavior of the elite who agreed to the proposed proliferation of the Cirebon Province both at the lower and upper levels, resulted in the absence of the proliferation of Cirebon Province during 2009-2019.

Abstrak :
Reformasi bidang pertambangan memberikan perubahan arah dalam kepemilikan perusahaan pertambangan asing di Indonesia, yang dikenal dengan nasionalisasi. Karena perusahaan-perusahaan milik asing tersebar di berbagai daerah maka nasionalisasi berimplikasi dalam hubungan pusat dan daerah, terutama kepentingan para elit. Untuk itu, penelitian ini mengajukan pertanyaan bagaimana pola hubungan penguasa dan pengusaha. Bagaimana faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi pola hubungan penguasa dan pengusaha. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori elite capture Bardhan, Diyya Dutta, dan teori ekonomi politik Caporaso, sebagai teori utama. Teori politik lokal Vedi R. Hadiz, dan teori konflik Ralf Dahrendorf dan teori konsensus Maswadi Rauf sebagai teori pendukung. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan menganalisis data-data yang ada wawancara mendalam terhadap 5 orang informan, Gubernur Gatot Pujo Nugroho, Anggota DPR RI Chairuman Harahap, Harry Azhar Aziz, H. Refrizal, Anggota DPRD Sumut H. Muhammad Nuh. Temuan penelitian ini menemukan bahwa elite capture dalam nasionalisasi PT Inalum tersebut, telah mengakibatkan negara dalam hal ini Pemprov Sumatera Utara tidak netral, karena Gubernur Gatot Pujo Nugroho sebagai alat pengusaha Luhut Pandjaitan. Sementara di tingkat pusat, negara bersifat netral. Namun demikian, dalam kebijakan yang lain, penguasa juga melakukan capture. Sehingga penguasa dalam hal ini Presiden SBY merupakan latent elite capture. Implikasi teoritis dari penelitian ini menguatkan teori elite capture, dalam konteks relasi kekuasaan elite dengan pengusaha. Sedangkan teori Caporaso, menguatkan pendekatan ekonomi politik berbasiskan kekuasaan. ......The reformation of the mining field has shifted nationalization, or specifically, the ownership of foreign mining companies in Indonesia. Due to the nationwide spread of foreign companies, they play a significant role in the centralregional government relationship, especially in the interest of the power elite. Therefore, this study aims to explain the relationship pattern between the power elite and entrepreneurs, as well as the factors that surround and influence it. This study uses Bardhan’s and Diyya Dutta’s elit capture thory and Caporaso’s political economy theory as the main theories. In addition, Vedi R. Hadiz’s local politics theory, Ralf Dahrendorf’s conflict theory, and Maswadi Rauf’s consensus theory acts as the supporting theory. Using a qualitative method, this study analyzes the data obtained through in-depth interview with five informants consisting of Governor Gatot Pujo Nugroho, three people from the People’s Representative Council (Chairuman Harahap, Harry Azhar Aziz, and H. Refrizal), and H. Muhammad Nuh from the Regional Representatives Council. The principal findings of this study shows that the elite capture in the nationalization of Inalum has led to the bias of the North Sumateran government because Governor Gatot Pujo Nugroho became Luhut Pandjaitan’s tool. Although the central government still maintained its neutrality, there are policies used by the authorities, in this case, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, to commit elite capture. The theoretical implication of this research substantiates the elite capture theory in the context of a relationship between power elite and entrepreneurs. On the other hand, Caporaso’s theory supports the power-based political economy approach.