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"Studi ini dilatarbelakangi dengan keberhasilan PDIP memenangkan Pemilu perolehan suara 19,33%. Keberhasilah PDIP di Pemilu 2019 ini juga menjadikannya sebagai partai pertama yang berhasil memenangkan pemilu secara berturut-turut di era Post-Soeharto. Kemenangan di Pemilu 2019 ini dicapai ditengah semakin banyaknya partai beraliran nasionalis seperti PDIP yang ikut pemilu. Dalam konteks latar demikianlah selanjutnya penelitian ini dilakukan. Penelitian ini akan mencari jawaban mengapa PDIP kembali memenangkan Pemilu 2019.Dalam melakukan analisis, penelitian ini akan menggunakan teori institusionalisasi partai dan teori marketing politik. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, sedangkan teknik pengumpulan data melalui metode wawancara mendalam dengan narasumber internal partai serta studi terhadap data-data sekunder yang berasal dari berbagai referensi seperti buku, dokumen partai, serta penelusuran situs-situs yang memuat hasil riset, dan kinerja partai yang menjadi objek kajian.Temua studi ini ni menunjukkan kemenangan PDIP di Pemilu 2019 merupakan kombinasi dari faktor institusionalisasi partai dan kemampuan dalam merespon dinamika eksternal partai. Dilihat dari institusionalisasi partai, beberapa aspek menujukkan tingkat institusionalisasi PDIP relatif baik seperti aspek pengakaran di masayarakat dan organisasi. Tingkat institusionalisasi yang relatif baik ini menjadi modal penting internal patai dalam berkontestasi di Pemilu 2019. Sementara dilihat dari aspek eksternal PDIP berhasil memanfaatkan dinamika eksternal dengan baik seperti, positioning politik, ketokohan Jokowi, strategi marketing politik yang tepat, masalah internal yang menimpa kompetitor dan juga isu kampanye pada Pemilu 2019.Implikasi teoritik menunjukkan tingkat institusionalisasi yang baik menjadi faktor penting kinerja elektoral partai. Keberhasilan mengelola institusionalisasi menjadi modal penting partai untuk memenangkan pemilu. Selain institusionalisasi, kemampuan partai memanfaatkan dimanima eksternal partai yang berkaitan dengan poistioning, marketing politik, figur serta isu juga terbukti memberikan peranan besar terhadap kemenangan partai politik di pemilu.

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This study was motivated by the success of the PDIP in winning the election vote of 19.33%. The success of the PDIP in the 2019 Election also made it the first party to succeed in winning consecutive elections in the Post-Suharto era. This victory in the 2019 Election was achieved amid an increasing number of nationalist parties such as the PDIP which participated in the election. In the context of this setting, this research was then carried out. This research will look for answers to why PDIP won the 2019 Election again.

In conducting the analysis, this study will use the theory of party institutionalization and political marketing theory. This study uses qualitative methods, while the technique of collecting data through in-depth interviews with internal party sources and studies of secondary data derived from various references such as books, party documents, and searches for sites that contain research results, and party performance. become the object of study.

This study shows that the victory of PDIP in the 2019 Election is a combination of the factors of party institutionalization and ability to respond to the party's external dynamics. Judging from the institutionalization of the party, several aspects show the level of institutionalization of PDIP is relatively good, such as aspects of rooting in the community and organization. This relatively good level of institutionalization has become an important internal capital for Patai in contesting the 2019 Election. Meanwhile, from the external aspect PDIP has successfully utilized external dynamics such as political positioning, Jokowi's character, appropriate political marketing strategies, internal problems affecting competitors and also campaign issues in the 2019 Election.

Theoretical implications show that a good level of institutionalization is an important factor in party electoral performance. The success of managing institutionalization is an important capital for the party to win the election. In addition to institutionalization, the ability of the party to utilize external parties in relation to policy, political marketing, figures and issues also proved to provide a major role in the victory of political parties in the elections."

"Pampang merupakan sebuah tempat yang didaulat menjadi sebuah desa wisata budaya di Kota Samarinda Kalimantan Timur. Hal ini tidak terlepas dari kegiatan yang dilakukan oleh sebagian penduduknya yaitu berkesenian. Setiap hari minggu pukul 14.00 WITA di Lamin, diadakan sebuah pertunjukan tari tradisi suku Dayak Kenyah yang diiringi oleh tiga buah sape atau sapeq. Eksistensi kegiatan ini menjadi cikal bakal terbentuknya Desa wisata Budaya Pampang. Sebuah pelembagaan kuat yang mampu mengonstruksi sebuah desa memiliki predikat "desa budaya". Pada penelitian ini, penulis membahas tentang proses dan dinamika akibat pelembagaan di Desa Budaya Pampang menggunakan pendekatan fase kebudayaan van Peursen dan analisis komodifikasi, industri budaya oleh mazhab Frankfurt dan juga mediatisasi."

"In his classical work title Political Order in Changing Society, Huntingington (1968) explained that in one side order involved political institutionalization, whereas in the other side the institutionalization needs a strong economic foundation. The economic crises that took place in the mid of 1960s and in 1997 have a bearing on the political order in Indonesia. As non-oil and gas commodities of export, forests with its relatively high market price had also been affected, particularly the institutionalization of its management. This article attempted to find the relation between political order and forest management in Indonesia."

"Banyak organisasi menerapkan kode etik sebagai panduan secara eksplisit untuk membantu karyawan mengetahui standar etika dari sudut pandang manajemen, dengan tujuan untuk mendapatkan produktivitas guna mencapai tujuan organisasi. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menguji pengaruh institutionalization of ethics terhadap organizational citizenship behavior dan untuk menganalisis peran organizational commitment dalam memediasi dampak institutionalization of ethics pada organizational citizenship behavior dengan psychological empowerment sebagai moderator di salah satu lembaga negara di indonesia. Penelitian ini akan menggunakan pendekatan kuantitatif dengan metode survei online kepada 784 responden yang ditentukan dengan metode purposive sampling. Responden berasal dari karyawan lembaga jaminan sosial XYZ yang sudah bekerja di institusi selama minimal 3 tahun. Hasil menunjukkan bahwa institutionalization of ethics baik eksplisit maupun implisit memiliki pengaruh positif terhadap organizational commitment; juga organizational commitment memiliki pengaruh positif terhadap organizational citizenship behavior. Organizational commitment mampu memediasi dan psychological empowerment mampu memoderasi hubungan positif tersebut.

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Many of organization implement code of conduct as an explicit guidance to help employees knowing the standard of ethics from management's viewpoints, with the aim to gain productivity achieving organization's goal. The purpose of this paper is to examine the influence of ethics institutionalization on organizational citizenship behavior and to analyze the role of organizational commitment in mediating the impact of ethics institutionalization on organizational citizenship behavior with psychological empowerment as a moderator in one of State Institution in Indonesia. This research will use a quantitative approach with online survey method to 784 respondents which were determined by purposive sampling method. Respondents come from employees of XYZ State Institution who already work at the institution for minimum three years. The results show that ethic institutionalization both explicit and implisit has a positive effect on organizational commitment; and organizational commitment has a positive effect on organizational citizenship behavior. Organizational commitment could mediate and Psychological Empowerment could moderate their positive linkage."

"Studi ini dilatarbelakangi oleh adanya konflik yang terjadi di internal Partai Demokrat dan bertujuan untuk dapat melihat perkembangan pelembagaan Partai Demokrat baik yang berjalan sebelum terjadinya konflik hingga pasca terjadinya konflik di internal Partai Demokrat. Dalam konteks dan latar tersebut selanjutnya penelitian ini akan dilakukan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mencari jawaban terkait dengan bagaimana konflik yang terjadi di internal Partai Demokrat dapat mempengaruhi institusionalisasi di Partai Demokrat. Dalam melakukan analisis terhadap penelitian ini, peneliti menggunakan teori konflik dan teori institusionalisasi partai. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif. Dalam Teknik pengumpulan data, data primer di peroleh melalui metode wawancara dengan informan yang terkait, dan data sekunder di peroleh melalui studi dari berbagai referensi yang berasal dari buku, penelusuran terhadap berbagai situs yang memuat hasil riset, dokumen partai politik. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa terjadinya konflik internal Partai Demokrat dipengaruhi adanya perebutan kekuasaan yang terjadi di internal partai. Terjadinya Konflik tersebut juga didasari pada adanya dominasi elit yang kuat dalam mempengaruhi jalannya organisasi. Sehingga, kuatnya personafikasi figur di Partai Demokrat tersebut memberikan dampak negatif terhadap pelembagaan Partai Demokrat berdasarkan pada empat dimensi teori institusionalisasi dari Randall dan Svasand (2002) yakni pada dimensi kesisteman, identitas nilai, otonomi kebijakan dan pengetahuan publik.

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This study is motivated by the existence of conflicts that occurred within the Democratic Party and aims to be able to see the development of Democratic Party institutions both before the conflict occurred and after the conflict occurred within the Democratic Party. In this context and background, this research will then be carried out. This study aims to find answers related to how internal conflicts within the Democratic Party can affect the institutionalization of the Democratic Party. In analyzing this research, researchers used conflict theory and party institutionalization theory. This study uses a descriptive qualitative research method. In data collection techniques, primary data was obtained through interviews with relevant informants, and secondary data was obtained through studies of various references from books, searches of various sites containing research results, documents of political parties. The results of this study indicate that the internal conflict of the Democratic Party has an impact on the existence of power struggles that occur within the party. The occurrence of this conflict also opposes the domination of strong elites in influencing organizational temptation. Thus, the strong personification figure in the Democratic Party has a negative impact on the institutionalization of the Democratic Party based on the four dimensions of institutionalization theory from Randall and Svasand (2002), namely on the systemic dimension, value identity, policy autonomy and public knowledge."

"Penelitian ini membahas perubahan gerakan bersenjata ke partai politik : studi komparatif Partai Aceh-Indonesia & Partai Sinn Fein-Irlandia Utara pada pemilu periode 2009-2022. Terdapat dua permasalahan dalam penelitian ini, pertama, bagaimana perubahan gerakan bersenjata menjadi partai politik GAM ke Partai Aceh dan IRA ke Partai Sinn Fein, kedua, bagaimana pelembagaan Partai Aceh dan Partai Sinn Fein pada pemenangan pemilu. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode komparatif Sigmund Neumann yang bertujuan membandingkan faktor-faktor penelitian terkait pelembagaan Partai Aceh dan Partai Sinn Fein. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan wawancara mendalam kepada narasumber penelitian, serta pengumpulan data sekunder melalui dokumen-dokumen, gambar-gambar terkait. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pada transformasi gerakan bersenjata ke partai politik, Partai Aceh kecenderungan menggunakan pola patronase dalam memaksimalkan kinerja mesin partai untuk mencapai tujuan politik, meskipun Partai Aceh berhasil menjadi pemenang selama tiga periode pemilu pasca konflik, tetapi mengalami penurunan perolehan kursi di DPR Aceh. Sedangkan Partai Sinn Fein dalam transformasi gerakan bersenjata pasca-konflik berhasil mempertahankan perolehan kursi di Majelis Irlandia Utara dan mencatat sejarah dengan menduduki jabatan menteri pertama sejak tahun 1921. Sedangkan terkait transformasi gerakan bersenjata menjadi partai politik yakni Partai Aceh dan Partai Sinn Fein dengan melihat (demiliterisasi struktur organisasi, demokratisasi pengambilan keputusan, pengembangan organisasi partai dan adaptasi strategi dan tujuan). Signifikansi teori Armed Rebellion, Institusionalisasi dan transformasi gerakan bersenjata ke partai politik relevan digunakan dalam penelitian ini. Teori ini dapat membantu melihat perubahan gerakan bersenjata ke partai politik di kedua wilayah pasca konflik, meskipun hasil pada keduanya berbeda, secara keseluruhan dapat dikategorikan sukses.

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This research discusses the change of armed movements to political parties: a comparative study of the Aceh-Indonesia Party & Sinn Fein Party-North Ireland in the 2009-2022 election period. There are two problems in this research, first, how is the change of the armed movement from GAM to the Aceh Party and IRA to the Sinn Fein Party, second, how is the institutionalization of the Aceh Party and the Sinn Fein Party in winning elections. This study uses the Sigmund Neumann comparative method which aims to compare research variables related to the institutionalization of the Aceh Party and the Sinn Fein Party. Data collection techniques were carried out by in-depth interviews with research informants, as well as secondary data collection through related documents and images. The results of this study indicate that in the transformation of armed movements into political parties, the Aceh Party tends to use patronage patterns in maximizing the performance of the party machine to achieve political goals, even though the Aceh Party has succeeded in becoming the winner during the three post-conflict election periods, it has experienced a decrease in the number of seats in the Aceh DPR. Meanwhile, the Sinn Fein Party in the transformation of the post-conflict armed movement succeeded in retaining seats in the Northern Ireland Assembly and made history by occupying the first ministerial position since 1921. Meanwhile, with regard to the transformation of the armed movement into a political party, namely the Aceh Party and the Sinn Fein Party by looking at (demilitarization of organizational structure, democratization of decision-making, development of party organization and adaptation of strategies and objectives). The significance of Armed Rebellion theory, institutionalization and transformation of armed movements into relevant political parties is used in this research. This theory can help to see the change of armed movements to political parties in both post-conflict areas, although the results for the two are different, overall it can be categorized as successful.

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"Penelitian ini membahas pelembagaan PKB di era kepemimpinan Abdul Muhaimin Iskandar selama dua periode 2014-2019 dan 2019-2024. Sebagai partai politik yang identik dengan basis warga NU, PKB menjadi partai politik yang memiliki ciri khas dalam rekrutmen dan kaderisasinya sehingga menarik untuk diteliti. Peneliti ingin melihat bagaimana PKB di era kepemimpinan Abdul Muhaimin Iskandar dari perspektif pelembagaan partai politik Randall dan Svasand dengan empat indikator yaitu kesisteman organisasi, identitas nilai, otonomi kebijakan, dan reifikasi selama 2014-2019 dan 2019-2024. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan tipe studi kasus. Berdasarkan temuan dan analisis menunjukkan PKB belum memiliki tingkat pelembagaan yang terukur dan terus melakukan adaptasi dengan situasi politik nasional. Kaderisasi dan rekrutmen politik PKB memiliki desain yang matang karena merupakan hasil dari porses adaptasi sejak awal berdiri hingga saat ini. Dengan mengacu kepada teori Vicky Randal dan Lars Svasand tentang Party Institutionalization in New Democracies, desain rekrutmen dan kaderisasi bekelindan dengan dimensi struktur maupun kultur partai politik. Di sisi struktur partai, desain kaderisasi dan rekrutmen politik menjadi bagian tidak terpisahkan dari derajat kesisteman dan otonomi keputusan. Sedangkan, di sisi kultur, desain kaderisasi dan rekrutmen politik menjadi bagian yang melekat pada nilai dan citra publik terhadap partai politik.

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This study discusses the institutionalization of PKB in the era of Abdul Muhaimin Iskandar's leadership during the two periods 2014-2019 and 2019-2024. As a political party that is synonymous with the base of NU members, PKB is a political party that has characteristics in its recruitment and regeneration making it interesting to study. The researcher wants to see how PKB was in the era of Abdul Muhaimin Iskandar's leadership from the perspective of political party institutionalization Randall and Svasand with four indicators, namely organizational system, value identity, policy autonomy, and reification during 2014-2019 and 2019-2024. This study uses a qualitative method with a case study type. Based on the findings and analysis, it shows that PKB does not yet have a measurable level of institutionalization and continues to adapt to the national political situation. PKB's political cadre and recruitment has a mature design because it is the result of an adaptation process since its inception until now. By referring to the theory of Vicky Randal and Lars Svasand about Party Institutionalization in New Democracies, the design of recruitment and regeneration is intertwined with the dimensions of the structure and culture of political parties. On the party structure side, the design of political regeneration and recruitment is an integral part of the degree of systemicity and decision autonomy. Meanwhile, on the cultural side, the design of political regeneration and recruitment is an inherent part of the values ​​and public image of political parties."

"Sejak pembentukannya, ASEAN berdiri dengan tingkat institusionalisasi yang berbeda dengan institusi keamanan kawasan lainnya. Tingkat institusional yang informal dan bersifat inklusif serta prinsip ASEAN yang tidak intrusif memunculkan banyak perdebatan di dalam kalangan akademisi. Institusionalisasi di ASEAN menjadi penting karena menyangkut penilaian bagaimana ASEAN berjalan secara efektif terutama sebagai cara untuk mencapai integrasi keamanan kawasan ASEAN. Oleh karenanya, tulisan ini bertujuan untuk memetakan dan menganalisis perkembangan literatur mengenai sejauh mana tingkat institusionalisasi ASEAN sebagai institusi keamanan kawasan. Terdapat lebih dari 30 literatur yang dipilih untuk dipetakan dalam meninjau dinamika institusionalisasi institusi keamanan ASEAN. Tulisan ini akan menggunakan metode taksonomi yang mengelompokkan literatur kedalam empat tema besar yakni, (1) kerangka institusionalisasi dan prinsip ASEAN Way sebagai penggerak institusionalisasi keamananASEAN, (2) peran eksternal dalam institusionalisasi institusi keamanan ASEAN, (3) peran isu Demokrasi dan HAM serta ekonomi sebagai penggerak institusionalisasi keamanan ASEAN, dan yang terakhir (4) koordinasi kebijakan pengaturan kerja sama keamanan ASEAN. Selain itu, pemetaan literatur ini berupaya untuk mengungkapkan persebaran konsensus, perdebatan, serta kesenjangan di dalam topik ini. Tinjauan pustaka ini juga berusaha untuk mengidentifikasi arah tren pemikiran penulis dalam persebaran literatur. Tinjauan pustaka ini menunjukkan bahwa dominan tren literatur berpusat pada perbedaan pandang dan sikap skeptis dan optimis akademisi yang didasari atas perspektif realis dengan konstruktivis. Tinjauan pustaka ini menggarisbawahi bahwa penting untuk menganalisis dinamika perkembangan institusionalisasi keamanan ASEAN sebagai rekomendasi penelitian lanjutan dan arah kebijakan serta mekanisme yang tepat untuk menghadapi tantangan keamanan ASEAN di masa yang akan datang.

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Since its formation, ASEAN has stood at a different level of institutionalization from other regional security institutions. The institutional level which is not rigid and inclusive and the principle of non- binding ASEAN raises many considerations among the academics. Institutionalization in ASEAN is important because it is related to how ASEAN works in an effective way as a regional security cooperation. Therefore, this paper is aim to map and analyze the development of literature on to what extent institutionalisation in ASEAN will improve its role as regional security cooperation. There are more than 30 literatures were selected to be mapped in the ASEAN security dynamics transition. This paper will use a taxonomic method that classifies the literature into four major themes, (1) the literature`s worldview on institutional framework and the ASEAN Way as a driver of institutionalization of ASEAN security, (2) The external role in the institutionalization of security cooperation in ASEAN, (3) the role Democracy and Human Rights issues and the economy as the drivers of the institutionalization of ASEAN security, and (4) policy coordination of ASEAN security cooperation arrangements. In addition, literature mapping is taken to reveal the distribution of discussed consensus, debate, and gaps in this topic. This literature review also seeks to discuss the direction of trends that drive authors in the distribution literature. This literature review shows the dominant trend of literature centered on differences in views of skeptics and optimistic and also the attitudes of academics based on a realist and constructivist perspective. This literature review underlines important reasons for analyzing the dynamics of the development of ASEAN security institutionalization as a discussion of further research and appropriate policy directions and safeguards for ASEAN security challenges in the future."

"AbstrakThis paper provides a comparative reexamination of the cultural revitalization that occurred alongside nation building in Thailand from the 1930s to the 1980s in the context of local performances of the traditional Northeastern Thailand performing art molam. The Introduction gives an overview of how Thai nation building gave cultural revitalization a unique meaning to counter colonial Western influence. Chapter 2 provides a brief history of cultural revitalization in Northeastern Thailand and describes how treatment of molam performers evolved from the nation-building period around the end of the nineteenth century to the 1980s. Chapter 3 discusses the Ministry of Cultures National Artist Award Project (Sinlapin Haeng Chat) and how the cultural evaluation system is applied in Thai society. Chapter 4 shifts the focus to rural areas, and how regional arts participant. molam performerin Northeastern Thailand gain public recognition and inclusion through institutional cultural revitalization. Chapter 5 details how regional molam artists perform and react while being aware of the National Artist awards, as part of cultural revitalization in Northeastern Thailand (fuenfu watthanatham isan) as well as the greater context of globalization. The Conclusion outlines the effects of cultural revitalization on the lives of molam performers in the social context."

"The year 2021 is the centennial anniversary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Just as the CCP strived to celebrate this symbolic event, the China Studies academia also tried to shed light on the history of the CCP and the survival as well as future prospect of the regime. Among all these publications, “The Chinese Communist Party: A Century in Ten Lives” and “Rethinking Chinese Politics” were probably the most representative. The former explained history of the CCP with 10 people’s life courses. The latter tried to examine whether Chinese politics is institutionalized from the perspective of elite politics and the party-state regime. The last part of both books focused on the implication of Xi’s ruling on the centennial development of the CCP and party-state system regime. Through criticizing these two books within the framework of “power sharing” and “state-society relations”, this article will investigate the implication of Xi’s ruling on the development of Chinese politics, and even comparative politics in terms of the organizational and institutional changes, the choice of reform path, and social stability and the nature of regime."