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Abstrak :
Disajikan ulangnya Voluntary Servitude dalam tataran politis menghadirkan alur baru dalam memandang politik, terkhusus pada praktik kuasa atau relasi dominasi, bahwa dominasi terjadi bukan karena pemaksaan kehendak dari yang berkuasa kepada yang dikuasai melainkan karena sukarela. Preasumsi tentang langgengnya dominasi bukanlah terletak pada manusia yang haus akan kuasa atau kejam bagi manusia lainnya, melainkan langgengnya dominasi terjadi karena fenomena servility sudah turun- temurun terjadi hingga menjadi budaya, hal tersebut mengakibatkan kebebasan tidak lagi dipandang sebagai sesuatu yang secara alamiah dimiliki setiap orang melainkan sesuatu yang harus diraih. Kebebasan yang perlu diraih bukan kebebasan yang terbebas dari dominasi sebagai suatu kondisi saja, melainkan kebebasan yang yang diraih melalui negasi epistemologis, terhadap ide tentang dominasi yang dimiliki oleh The Master atau yang berkuasa. Maka dari itu epistemologi baru sebagai absence dari epistemologi The Master harus dibentuk atau epistemologi the slave, dengan tujuan menjadi tahap lanjutan dari pembebasan diri dari dominasi. ...... The restatement of Voluntary Servitude at the political level presents a new path in viewing politics, especially in the practice of power or relations of domination, that domination occurs not because of coercion of the will of the ruling to the ruled but because of voluntary. The assumption about the perpetuation of domination does not lie in humans who are hungry for power or cruel to other humans, but rather the perpetuation of domination occurs because servility phenomena have passed down through generations to become a culture, as something that must be achieved. The freedom that needs to be achieved is not freedom that is free from domination as a condition, but rather the freedom achieved through epistemological negation, to the idea of domination which belongs to The Master or the ruling. Therefore a new epistemology as the absence of epistemology of The Master must be formed or The Epistemology of the slave, with the aim of becoming an advanced stage of liberation from domination.

Abstrak :
In 1908, a Welsh Doctor named Peter Fraser turned down a lucrative job with the Kings Government in London and instead wore the robes of a Christian missionary to travel to the remote Lushai Hills of north-east India-the habitat of a reportedly wild, headhunting tribal people. Fraser not only found acceptance among the tribals, but also came in conflict with the colonial state over the tribal practice of bawi, a practice he found akin to slavery. This clash was symptomatic of a larger issue that marked colonialism in south Asia: the tussle between the colonial administration and the missionary institutions. Challenging the notion of a monolithic colonial experience, The Uprising chronicles this struggle which witnessed Fraser, after being expelled by his own mission, petitioning and lobbying for the issue in the British Parliament through the Anti-Slavery Society and even taking the issue to the League of Nations to make an intervention which had lasting impact on the lives and history of the Lushai people (Mizo tribe). Writing in a narrative form, the book brings out the immense historical significance of the contradictions between the colonial state and the missionary institutions, and argues that neither institution, contrary to popular perception, was a liberating agency.

Abstrak :
Most Americans believe that the Ohio River was a clearly defined and static demographic and political boundary between freedom and slavery, indeed between North and South, an extension of the Mason-Dixon Line and a border that produced the war. None of this is true, except perhaps the outcome of war. But the centrality of the Civil War and its outcome in the making of these tropes is undeniable. This interpretation leaves no room for the third of the nations major nineteenth-century regions: the West. Ironically, the wars central figure, Abraham Lincoln, was a lifelong resident of this regions middle border-the slave states of Kentucky and Missouri and of the free states of Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, and Kansas-lying astride not one but two fault lines of that war, east and west and north and south. The Rivers Ran Backward contests the assumption that regional identities throughout these states were stable in the era of the civil war. Across the middle border, the war left an indelible imprint on the way in which residents thought of themselves and other Americans, proving as much a shaper as a product of regional identities. The book explains how the Civil War and its aftermath transformed a regional political culture into the cultural politics of region, creating perhaps the wars greatest irony: that the victorious North created a larger, more enduring South than the defeated Confederacy could accomplish for itself, and that former western neighbors created a border between them after the fact.