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"ABSTRAKDalam Penelitian ini terdapat dua permasalahan yakni: 1) Bagaimanakah persoalan pelaporan dan pengawasan dana kampanye dalam pemilihan umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden?; 2) Bagaimanakah penataan sistem pelaporan dan pengawasan dana kampanye yang ideal untuk mewujudkan pemilu yang berintegritas? Jenis yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah penelitian hukum normatif. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan kelembagaan penyelenggara pemilu di Indonesia sudah bersifat mandiri, namun desain pelaporan dan pengawasan dana kampanye memiliki banyak kelemahan. Sehingga penelitian ini menemukan 6 (enam) kelemahan dalam sistem pelaporan dan pengawasan dana kampanye dalam pemilu presiden di Indonesia. Penelitian ini merekomendasikan berbagai celah kelemahan dalam aturan yang menciptakan kesempatan untuk melakukan manipulasi pencatatan dan penggunaan dana kampanye penting untuk diperbaiki agar tidak menjadi permasalahan laten dalam setiap pemilu. Diharapkan dengan perubahan tersebut akan turut meningkatkan kualitas demokrasi di Indonesia menjadi pemilu yang semakin berintegritas.

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ABSTRACTIn this research, there are two problems, namely: 1) What are the problems of reporting and monitoring campaign funds in the Presidential Election? 2) How to organize an ideal system of reporting and monitoring campaign finance to achieve integrity election?. This research uses normative legal research. It concludes that the Electoral Management Bodies in Indonesia are independent, but the reporting and monitoring design of campaign funds have many weaknesses. This research found 6 (six) weaknesses in the reporting and monitoring system of campaign funds in the presidential election in Indonesia. This research recommends various legal loopholes which creates an opportunity to manipulate the use of campaign funds is important to be amended. These changes are expected to improve the quality of democracy in Indonesia into elections with greater integrity."

"ABSTRACTThis article explores the complexity of the relationship between democracy and feminism in both theory and practice. For a long time, feminist theorists have put forward criticism of democratic studies, which emphasize the importance of transforming political institutions and addressing the measure of the goodness of democracy that is considered to be generally accepted. As a result, the voice and interests of women are considered merely complementary and not a priority. Feminist agendasmarked by the formulation of interests aimed at challenging patriarchy in a variety of manifestations are increasingly scarce in the work of fighting for democracy in Indonesia, especially in the participation of womens electoral politics. While non-electoral participation is more indicative of the presence of a feminist agenda, the challenge lies in the lack of linkages with electoral politics. The achievements of democracy over the past 20 years show the lack of contribution of democracy to the struggle that the womens movement formulated with the breath of feminism. This article highlights the increasingly eroded feminist agenda in the consolidation of democracy in Indonesia. It is time for the consolidation of democracy to borrow the logic of feminism, which rejects the public/private; personal/political dichotomy; in the electoral/non-electoral political struggle. "

"Skripsi ini menjelaskan mengapa faksionalisme terjadi di Partai Aceh pada Pilkada 2012 dan 2017 dilihat dari relasi antara partai dengan pemilih. Penelitian ini juga menjelaskan bagaimana relasi yang terjalin antara partai dengan pemilih hingga mendorong terjadinya faksionalisme di level elite. Pada Pilkada 2012, muncul dua faksi dari internal Partai Aceh dalam pencalonan Gubernur – Wakil Gubernur, yaitu faksi Irwandi Yusuf dan faksi Zaini Abdullah – Muzakir Manaf. Pada Pilkada 2017, muncul tiga faksi dari internal Partai Aceh yaitu faksi Muzakir Manaf, faksi Zaini Abdullah, dan faksi Zakaria Saman serta faksi Irwandi Yusuf dari eksternal. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori faksionalisme dari Francoise Boucheck untuk menganalisis faksionalisme yang didorong oleh kondisi di pasar pemilih (electoral market) yaitu elastic demand dan inelastic demand. Penelitian ini juga menggunakan konsep the new cleavage dari Pippa Norris dan electoral market change (crisis of party) and party responses dari Peter Mair untuk menganalisis perubahan kondisi di electoral market antara Pilkada 2012 dan 2017. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif, hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Pilkada 2012 terjadi karena kondisi elastic demand, dimana pemilih masih memiliki kepercayaan terhadap Partai Aceh karena mesin politik pada saat itu bekerja maksimal. Sehingga, Irwandi Yusuf sebagai faksi penentang kalah dalam Pilkada dan Partai Aceh yang mengusung Zaini Abdullah – Muzakir Manaf memenangkan Pilkada. Pada Pilkada 2017, faksionalisme terjadi secara tajam akibat kondisi inelastic demand, dimana relasi antara Partai Aceh dengan pemilih mengalami perubahan. Perubahan tersebut disebabkan oleh dua hal yang terjadi pasca 2012 yang melemahkan mesin politik Partai Aceh. Pertama, adanya kegagalan dan ketidakadilan alokasi sumber daya dari Partai Aceh kepada para mantan kombatan GAM sehingga mereka meninggalkan Partai Aceh. Kedua, krisis kader di dalam Partai Aceh karena perpindahan beberapa kader dan tidak diimbangi dengan kaderisasi secara efektif. Hasil Pilkada 2017 menunjukkan kekalahan Partai Aceh yang mengusung Muzakir Manaf.

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This thesis explains about the factionalism that occurred in the Aceh Party on 2012 and 2017 elections in terms of the relationship between the party and voters. This research also explains how the relations between parties and voters encourage factionalism at the elite level. Two factions from the Aceh Party internally appeared in the 2012 elections in the nomination of the Governor - Deputy Governor, namely the Irwandi Yusuf faction and the Zaini Abdullah - Muzakir Manaf faction. In the 2017 elections, three factions from the Aceh Party emerged, namely Muzakir Manaf faction, Zaini Abdullah faction, and Zakaria Saman faction and Irwandi Yusuf faction from the external. This research uses factionalism theory from Francoise Boucheck to analyze factionalism that driven by conditions in the electoral market called elastic demand and inelastic demand. This research also uses the new cleavage concept from Pippa Norris and electoral market change (crisis of party) and party responses from Peter Mair to analyze changes in conditions of the electoral market between the 2012 and 2017. This research uses a qualitative method with the results of the study showing that the 2012 local election caused by elastic demand, which that voters still had confidence in the Aceh Party because the political machinery at that time worked optimally, so that Irwandi Yusuf, as an opposing faction, was defeated in the Pilkada and the Aceh Party that carried Zaini Abdullah - Muzakir Manaf won the elections. Factionalism occurs sharply due to the inelastic demand conditions in the 2017 elections, where relations between the Aceh Party and voters has changed. The change was caused by two things that occurred after 2012 which weakened the Aceh Party political engine. First, there was a failure and injustice in the allocation of resources from the Aceh Party to former GAM combatants so that they left the Aceh Party. Second, the cadre crisis within the Aceh Party was due to the displacement of several cadres and was not matched with effective regeneration. The results of the 2017 elections showed the defeat of the Aceh Party which carried Muzakir Manaf."

"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini menjelaskan pengaruh klientelisme terhadap kebijakan publik. Suatu kebijakantidak dapat dipisahkan dari proses strategi politik masa kampanye pemilu, hal tersebutmenjadi konsekuensi atas transaksi yang dilakukan antara kandidat dan voters. Dalam risetini menjelaskan hubungan klientelisme Anies Baswedan dan PKL Jatibaru Raya yangdihubungkan Haji Lulung serta pengaruhnya terhadap kebijakan penataan kawasan TanahAbang. Keluarnya Instruksi Gubernur Nomor 17 Tahun 2018 tentang kebijakan penataankawasan Tanah Abang merupakan manifestasi atas transaksi politik saat pilkada, kebijakantersebut berupa menata PKL dengan menutup dan memfasilitasi pedagang kaki lima (PKL)berjualan di badan Jalan Jatibaru Raya. Konsep demikian merupakan usul dari Haji Lulungsebagai tokoh masyarakat Tanah Abang pada saat Anies Baswedan baru saja duduk di kursijabatan gubernur pada Oktober 2017. Kebijakan ini terdapat beberapa mal administrasi danberjalan parsial, serta identik dengan bias partisan. Dalam pemenangan pilkada Haji Lulungmemiliki peran menggerakkan jaringan organisasi PPM sebagai mesin politik pemenanganAnies Baswedan di kawasan Jatibaru Tanah Abang. Organisasi PPM ini melakukansosialisasi dari PKL Jatibaru dan warga ke warga untuk memenangkan Anies. Penelitian inimengungkapkan bahwa klientelisme dapat bersifat abu-abu karena transaksi yang dilakukantermanifestasi dalam program dan tidak selalu ditunaikan dalam masa kampanye, dalamkebijakan ini pula sumber daya yang di diberikan adalah kesempatan berdagang yaitu denganmemfasilitasi pedagang kaki lima (PKL) berjualan di badan jalan. Penelitian inimenggunakan metode kualitatif dengan teknik wawancara mendalam.

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ABSTRACTThis research explains about the influence of clientelism on public policy. A public policycannot be separated from political strategy during the election campaign, it becomes aconsequence of transaction during election between candidate and voters. This researchexplains about clientelism relationship between Anies Baswedan and PKL Jatibaru, also HajiLulung as a broker also its implication on the arrangement of Jatibaru Tanah Abang. InstruksiGubernur Nomor 17 Tahun 2018 is manifestation of political transactions during theelections, the policy is about arranged street vendors (PKL) on the Jatibaru Raya street byclosed it from vehicles. This concept of public policy proposed by Haji Lulung as a TanahAbangs public figure community leader when Anies Baswedan in office October 2017. Thispolicy has some maladministration, partial and partisan bias. At campaign phase, Haji lulunghas mobilize his network, such as PPM Organization as the political machine to winningAnies Baswedan in the Jatibaru area of Tanah Abang. this research reveals that clientelismcan be on the grey spectrum because transaction carried out is manifested in the program andnot always executed during the campaign period, in this policy, also the resource for thevoters by providing street vendors (PKL) opportunities for trade in Jatibaru Raya street. Thisstudy uses qualitative methods with in-depth interview techniques"

"ABSTRAKMalaysias representation of women as parliamentarians remains one of the lowest in comparison to other Southeast Asian and global parliamentary democracies. However, when contextualized against Malaysias politics of divides and dissent starting from 1999 onward, there are some newer characteristics of womens involvement in formal politics. This paper explores the specificities of womens experience in formal politics under the one-party dominant rule of the National Front before it was defeated in the May 2018 general election. The paper questions various incidents of political transitioning from an old to a newer political regime. Processes such as the collaboration between womens civil society and formal state political actors, the cultivation of clientelist and patronage relations, and the maintenance of a cohesive multiparty coalition as a strategy for electoral advantage have all had fruitful bearings on the way the formalization of women in politics has developed. However, given the insufficiency of these developments for increasing womens representation, this paper proposes the more reliable gender quota or reserved seats mechanism as one of the considerations for gender electoral reform."

"Banyak rakyat Amerika yang menilai negaranya sebagai model demokrasi. Meskipun masih banyak kekurangan dalam sistem ketatanegaraan dan pemerintahan di Amerika, namun masyarakat Amerika setuju bahwa fondasi menuju sebuah masyarakat yang demokratis telah dijamin oleh Konstitusi dan undang-undang lainnya. Karena demokrasi Amerika masih jauh dari sempurna, banyak kalangan di Amerika memperdebatkan aturan permainan dalam pelaksanaan demokrasi ini.Konsep dasar dari demokrasi sebagai nilai dasar di Amerika adalah lahirnya suatu tatanan pemerintahan yang berdasarkan kehendak rakyat, pemerintah yang berdasarkan keinginan popular. Namun jika dilihat dari kacamata demokrasi, ada kecenderungan sistem pemilihan presiden melalui electoral college sedikit mengesampingkan beberapa esensi demokrasi, seperti kesamaan politik yang diterjemahkan dengan pemberian bobot suara yang sama: satu orang, satu suara.Namun sistem electoral college memang diterapkan sebagai kompromi politik yang dibuat oleh pendiri bangsa Amerika untuk memberikan bobot yang relatif lebih seimbang antara negara bagian besar dan kecil.Apapun sistem pemilihan yang diterapkan akan sangat berpengaruh kepada kepercayaan masyarakat terhadap proses dan pranata politik di suatu negara.Penulisan tesis ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji dan mengidentifikasi kelemahan dalam sistem pemilihan presiden yang seringkali menciptakan kontroversi dalam pemilihan presiden. Pengamatan utama dalam tulisan ini dititikberatkan pada sistem electoral college.Tesis ini menggunakan metode penelitian dari sumber kepustakaan dan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dalam pengkajiannya. Penulisan tesis ini melibatkan pengamatan sejarah dan kajian pranata-pranata.An Observation to the U.S. Presidential Election 2000: The Electoral College System as a Complementing Factor in American DemocracyMost Americans view the United States as a model democracy. Although there are still flaws in the American constitutional system and government structure, most Americans agree that the Constitution and other existing laws secure the foundations of a democratic society. Due to the imperfect nature of American democracy, many experts as well as the common people are still debating about the rule of the game in the application of democracy.

The basic concept of democracy as a core American value is the existence of a governing system that is by the will of the people, by means of popular support. But if we observe through the lenses of democracy, electing a president using the electoral college system tends to overlook several basic essence of democracy, namely that of political equality which supposed to provide an equal weight for each single vote cast: one person, one vote.

The electoral college system was adopted as a political compromise made by the founding fathers in America to provide a relatively equal weigh between the large and small states. Irrespective of the electoral system applied in a presidential election, it will influence the course which determines the people's confidence to the political process and institutions in a particular country.

The objective of this thesis is to study and identify the weaknesses in the existing presidential election system that often create controversies in the process. The focus of the study is on the electoral college mechanism. The research method used in this thesis was carried out through literature research and the qualitative approach was applied in its analysis. In order to understand the inter-linkages between the various aspects on this topic, the writing of this thesis used the historical and institutional perspectives."

"ABSTRAKUntuk menjadi pemenang pada kontestasi politik elektoral, para kandidat kepala daerah harus memiliki kekuatan politik yang kuat. Kekuatan politik ini dapat berasal dari berbagai mesin politik, diantaranya institusi pesantren yang memiliki jaringan sosial di masyarakat. Pertanyaan artikel ini yaitu mengapa pesantren dapat menjadi basis massa politik elektoral di suatu daerah dan bagaimana mekanisme keterlibatannya. Penulis memakai konsep religio-politik untuk melihat keterlibatan pesantren pada politik elektoral dan konsep jaringan sosial sebagai kerangka analisa mekanisme keterlibatannya. Objek penelitian artikel ini adalah kasus Pilkada tahun 2011 dan 2016 di Kabupaten Tasikmalaya karena penulis melihat adanya peran dari jaringan sosial institusi pesantren sebagai kekuatan politik. Penulis berargumentasi bahwa kemenangan Uu Ruzhanul Ulum ndash; Ade Sugianto pada Pilkada tahun 2011 dan 2016 merupakan hasil dari kekuatan politik jaringan sosial pesantren bernama Himpunan Alumni Miftahul Huda Hamida . Kebaruan konsep artikel ini ialah kekuatan politik dapat berasal dari jaringan informal yang berintegrasi dengan jaringan formal. Teknik pengumpulan data penelitian ini bersifat kualitatif melalui snowball indepth-interview.

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ABSTRACTTo be a winner in the electoral political contestation, the regional head candidates must have a strong political force. These political forces can come from a variety of political machines, including boarding institutions that have a social network in the community. This article question is why boarding institutions or pesantren can be a mass base of electoral politics in an area and how the mechanism of involvement. The author used the concept of religio political to see the involvement of pesantren in electoral politics and the concept of social networks as an analytical framework involvement mechanisms. The research object of this article is the case of the elections in 2011 and 2016 in Tasikmalaya regency as the author sees the role of social networks pesantren as a political force. The author argues that the victory Uu Ruzhanul Ulum Ade Sugianto in the elections of 2011 and 2016 is the result of the political power of social networking pesantren named Himpunan Alumni Miftahul Huda Hamida . Novelty concept of this article is the political power can come from informal networks that integrate with formal network. This research data collection techniques are qualitative snowball depth interview. "