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Afina Raida Vinci
Abstrak :
[ABSTRAKbr Selama ini pengaruh ideologi terhadap pemberian suara belum banyak diteliti pada konteks Indonesia. Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk mengetahui apakah terdapat pengaruh dari ideologi konservatisme, anti-sekularisme, tradisionalisme, dan sikap terhadap penegakan khilafah-syariah, terhadap pemberian suara pada Pemilu Presiden 2014. Ideologi konservatisme dan anti-sekularisme masing-masing diukur menggunakan skala konservatisme dan anti-sekularisme yang disusun oleh peneliti. Ideologi tradisionalisme diukur menggunakan item-item skala tradisionalisme yang digunakan Asian Barometer Survey Gelombang 3. Sikap terhadap penegakan khilafah syariah diukur menggunakan skala dari Chusniyah (2012). Responden penelitian merupakan 268 mahasiswa UI muslim yang telah memberikan suara pada Pemilu Presiden 2014. Analisis dilakukan dengan menggunakan model persamaan struktural. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa terdapat pengaruh signifikan dari ideologi konservatisme (t = 1,96, p < 0,05) dan sikap terhadap penegakan khilafah-syariah (t = 1,99, p < 0,05), terhadap pemberian suara. Sementara itu tidak ditemukan pengaruh yang signifikan dari ideologi anti-sekularisme dan tradisionalisme. ;The effect of ideology towards voting choice had not been studied widely in Indonesia context. This research was conducted to see the effect of conservatism, anti-secularism, traditionalism, and attitude towards caliphate-sharia to voting choice in Presidential Election 2014. Conservatism and anti- secularism ideology was measured using respectively conservatism scale and anti-secularism scale developed by the researcher. Traditionalism ideology was measured using traditionalism items from Asian Barometer Survey Wave 3. Attitude towards the establishment of caliphate-sharia was measured using scale developed by Chusniyah (2012). There were 268 muslim students of Universitas Indonesia who had given their vote in Presidential Election 2014 as respondents involved in this research. The data was analysed using structural equation modeling. The result showed that there are significant effect from conservatism (t = 1,96, p < 0,05) and attitude towards the establishment of caliphate-sharia (t = 1,99, p < 0,05) to vote choice. Meanwhile, there was no significant effect found from anti-secularism and traditionalism ideology. ;The effect of ideology towards voting choice had not been studied widely in Indonesia context. This research was conducted to see the effect of conservatism, anti-secularism, traditionalism, and attitude towards caliphate-sharia to voting choice in Presidential Election 2014. Conservatism and anti- secularism ideology was measured using respectively conservatism scale and anti-secularism scale developed by the researcher. Traditionalism ideology was measured using traditionalism items from Asian Barometer Survey Wave 3. Attitude towards the establishment of caliphate-sharia was measured using scale developed by Chusniyah (2012). There were 268 muslim students of Universitas Indonesia who had given their vote in Presidential Election 2014 as respondents involved in this research. The data was analysed using structural equation modeling. The result showed that there are significant effect from conservatism (t = 1,96, p < 0,05) and attitude towards the establishment of caliphate-sharia (t = 1,99, p < 0,05) to vote choice. Meanwhile, there was no significant effect found from anti-secularism and traditionalism ideology. , The effect of ideology towards voting choice had not been studied widely in Indonesia context. This research was conducted to see the effect of conservatism, anti-secularism, traditionalism, and attitude towards caliphate-sharia to voting choice in Presidential Election 2014. Conservatism and anti- secularism ideology was measured using respectively conservatism scale and anti-secularism scale developed by the researcher. Traditionalism ideology was measured using traditionalism items from Asian Barometer Survey Wave 3. Attitude towards the establishment of caliphate-sharia was measured using scale developed by Chusniyah (2012). There were 268 muslim students of Universitas Indonesia who had given their vote in Presidential Election 2014 as respondents involved in this research. The data was analysed using structural equation modeling. The result showed that there are significant effect from conservatism (t = 1,96, p < 0,05) and attitude towards the establishment of caliphate-sharia (t = 1,99, p < 0,05) to vote choice. Meanwhile, there was no significant effect found from anti-secularism and traditionalism ideology. ]
Fakultas Psikologi Universitas Indonesia, 2015
S59018
UI - Skripsi Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Ilyas
Abstrak :
[ABSTRAK
Tujuan dari tesis ini adalah untuk mengetahui sejauh mana pengaruh faktor-faktor identitas dan identifikasi politik masyarakat terhadap rendahnya perolehan suara parpol Islam. Selain itu juga untuk mengidentifikasi faktor-faktor perilaku apa saja dan interaksi politik parpol Islam seperti apa yang berpengaruh terhadap menurunnya elektabilitas, serta apakah perubahan landscape politik nasional dalam sejarah politik Indonesia berpengaruh terhadap strategi parpol Islam untuk mengantisipasi penurunan elektabilitas tersebut. Pemilu 2014 menjadi potret terbaru bagaimana partai Islam kembali mengulangi sejarah yang sama, yakni tidak mampu mendobrak dominasi partai-partai nasionalis dalam perolehan suara pemilu di Indonesia. Kekalahan ini menghidupkan lagi wacana sekaligus perdebatan mengenai berakhirnya politik aliran di Indonesia. Dalam penelitian ini, ditemukan bahwa politik aliran itu tidak betul-betul berakhir. Meskipun pengaruhnya terhadap pemilih tidak sekuat Pemilu 1955, namun politik aliran tetap bereksistensi. Tentu saja saat ini trikotomi Geertz, yang membagi umat Islam atas santri, priyayi, dan abangan, tidak terlalu relevan. Sebab, umat Islam sudah semakin rasional dalam memilih, tak terkecuali kaum santri. Di sisi lain, partai politik sendiri cenderung bergeser ke tengah. Partai-partai nasionalis saat ini tidak “anti” Islam. Bahkan partai seperti PDIP, Gerindra, dan Golkar sudah punya sayap organisasi Islam. Sebaliknya, partai Islam seperti PPP dan PKS sudah sering menyatakan diri sebagai partai terbuka, sebagai respon dari asumsi bahwa politik aliran sudah mencair dan bahkan berakhir. Selain persoalan tersebut, dalam tesis ini juga dikemukakan mengenai prospek partai Islam, yang di antaranya dengan mengacu pada hasil suara partai Islam dalam Pemilu 2014 dan posisinya ketika dikonfrontir dengan berbagai hasil survei yang menyebutkan bahwa partai Islam pasca Pemilu 2014 akan suram. Tesis ini menggunakan teori partai politik dan teori ideologi, bagaimana teori tersebut melihat partai Islam di Indonesia. Konsep-konsep, baik dari Geertz yang membagi umat Islam di Jawa yang terdiri dari santri, abangan, dan priyayi, maupun dari Herbert Faith juga menjadi salah satu pembanding, apakah konsep-konsep tersebut masih relevan dalam melihat politik aliran dalam Pemilu 2014.
ABSTRACT
The purpose of this thesis is to determine the extent of the influence of factors of identity and political identification of society to the low number of votes of Islamic political parties. In addition, to identify the factors and interaction behavior any Islamic political parties as to what effect on decreasing elektabilitas, and whether changes in the national political landscape in Indonesia's political history affect the strategy of Islamic political parties to anticipate the decline elektabilitas. Election of 2014 became the latest portrait how Islamic parties reiterated the same history, which is not able to break the dominance of nationalist parties in the history of vote elections in Indonesia. This defeat at the same discourse revive debate about the end of the flow in Indonesian politics. In this study, it was found that the flow politics not really ended. Although its influence on voters is not as strong as the 1955 election, but the political stream remains to exist. Of course, this time the trichotomy of Geertz, which divides the muslim students, gentry, and abangan, not too relevant. Therefore, the muslim students are increasingly rational in choosing, not to mention the students. On the other hand, the political parties themselves are likely to shift to the center. Nationalist parties today are not "anti" Islam. Even parties like PDIP, Gerindra, and Golkar already have Islamic organization‟s wings. In contrast, Islamist parties like PPP and PKS have often refers to himself as an open party, with the assumption that the political stream has ended. In this thesis also expressed about the prospects for Islamic parties, some of which with reference to the Islamic party‟s vote in the 2014 election and its position when confronted with various results of many survey say that the Islamist party after the 2014 election will be bleak. This thesis uses the theory of political parties and the theory of ideology, how these theories see Islamic parties in Indonesia. Concepts, both of Geertz that divides Muslims in Java, which consists of students, abangan, and gentry, and of Herbert She also became one of the comparison, whether these concepts are still relevant in view of the political streams in the 2014 election, The purpose of this thesis is to determine the extent of the influence of factors of identity and political identification of society to the low number of votes of Islamic political parties. In addition, to identify the factors and interaction behavior any Islamic political parties as to what effect on decreasing elektabilitas, and whether changes in the national political landscape in Indonesia's political history affect the strategy of Islamic political parties to anticipate the decline elektabilitas. Election of 2014 became the latest portrait how Islamic parties reiterated the same history, which is not able to break the dominance of nationalist parties in the history of vote elections in Indonesia. This defeat at the same discourse revive debate about the end of the flow in Indonesian politics. In this study, it was found that the flow politics not really ended. Although its influence on voters is not as strong as the 1955 election, but the political stream remains to exist. Of course, this time the trichotomy of Geertz, which divides the muslim students, gentry, and abangan, not too relevant. Therefore, the muslim students are increasingly rational in choosing, not to mention the students. On the other hand, the political parties themselves are likely to shift to the center. Nationalist parties today are not "anti" Islam. Even parties like PDIP, Gerindra, and Golkar already have Islamic organization‟s wings. In contrast, Islamist parties like PPP and PKS have often refers to himself as an open party, with the assumption that the political stream has ended. In this thesis also expressed about the prospects for Islamic parties, some of which with reference to the Islamic party‟s vote in the 2014 election and its position when confronted with various results of many survey say that the Islamist party after the 2014 election will be bleak. This thesis uses the theory of political parties and the theory of ideology, how these theories see Islamic parties in Indonesia. Concepts, both of Geertz that divides Muslims in Java, which consists of students, abangan, and gentry, and of Herbert She also became one of the comparison, whether these concepts are still relevant in view of the political streams in the 2014 election]
2015
T44378
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library
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Joni Firmansyah
Abstrak :
ABSTRAK
Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh adanya keterlibatan selebriti di dalam partai politik dan pemilu karena daya tarik mereka sebagai juru kampanye maupun sebagai kandidat. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mencari jawaban terkait proses rekrutmen selebriti di partai politik serta strategi mereka dalam menggunakan modal-modal mereka untuk memenangkan pemilihan umum tahun 2014.Metode pengumpulan data berasal dari beberapa studi literatur dan wawancara mendalam terhadap beberapa subjek penelitian, diantaranya selebriti politik Eko Hendro Purnomo sebagai petahana, Krisna Mukti sebagai selebriti baru yang terpilih, dan Gitalis Dwi Natarina sebagai selebriti yang tidak terpilih, serta ketua tim pemenangan dari masing-masing caleg selebriti dan Wasekjen dari PAN dan PKB.Temuan di lapangan menunjukkan bahwa caleg selebriti direkrut oleh partai politik dikarenakan aspek popularitas yang mereka miliki untuk dijadikan sebagai penunjang strategi pemenangan partai serta berfungsi sebagai supporter partai. Di dalam menggunakan modal-modal yang mereka miliki, selebriti politik terpilih berhasil menggunakan modal-modal tersebut sebagai strategi pemenangan pemilu. Aspek yang paling diunggulkan ialah modal popularitas, yang ditunjang oleh modal politik, sosial dan ekonomi. Sementara selebriti yang tidak terpilih hanya memaksimalkan modal popularitasnya tanpa ditunjang oleh modal lainnya.Implikasi teoritis menunjukkan bahwa PAN dan PKB menjalankan proses rekrutmen politik dalam tiga tahap sebagaimana yang dikemukakan oleh Pippa Norris, dan model rekrutmen compartmentalization sebagaimana yang dikemukakan oleh Barbarra Geddes. Di dalam menjalankan strateginya, selebriti terpilih menjalankan proses penyusunan strategi politik sesuai teori yang disampaikan oleh Peter Schroder. Sementara selebriti yang tidak terpilih di dalam penelitian ini tidak dapat menjalankan strategi politiknya karena tidak memaksimalkan sumber daya yang ia miliki. Penelitian ini juga mengungkapkan bahwa popularitas selebriti tidak menjamin mereka untuk dapat terpilih di dalam pemilu. Butuh dukungan dari modal-modal lainnya yang diaktualisasikan dalam aksi nyata dan program pemilu untuk memenangkan pemilihan umum.
ABSTRACT
The background of this research is the involvement of celebrities in political parties and elections because of their appeal as campaigners and candidates. This research purpose is for getting answers relating to the recruitment process of celebrities in political parties and their strategies in using their assets to win the elections in 2014.In collecting data, this research conducted several literature studies and in depth interviews on several research subjects, including political celebrity Eko Hendro Purnomo as an incumbent, Krisna Mukti as a newly elected celebrity, and Gitalis Dwi Natarina as an unelected celebrity, as well as the leader of the winning team from each celebrity legislative candidate and party elites from PAN and PKB.The result of this study explains that celebrity candidates are recruited by political parties because their popularity aspect has been used as a supporter of party winning strategies and had a function as party supporters. In using their own assets, the selected political celebrities succeeded in using those assets as election winning strategies. The most favored aspect was the popularity asset, which was also supported by political, social and economic asset. While the unelected celebrities only focused on their popularity asset without being supported by other assets.Theoretical implications show that PAN and PKB ran the process of political recruitment in three stages as proposed by Pippa Norris, and the model of recruitment compartmentalization as proposed by Barbarra Geddes. In carrying out their strategies, the selected celebrities ran the process of formulating the political strategies as the theory presented by Peter Schroder. While, the unelected celebrity legislative candidates in this study could not execute their political strategies because they did not utilize the power resources they had. This study also reveals that the popularity of celebrities can not guarantee them to be an elected legislative in the election. It needs support from other asset to become actualized in real action and election program to win the election.
2017
T49779
UI - Tesis Membership  Universitas Indonesia Library