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"ABSTRAKMiliter Jepang adalah sebuah kekuatan besar yang sangat sulit ditandingi pada masa awal Perang Dunia II. Persenjataan militer Jepang yang lengkap dan kuat, menjadikan Jepang berani menyerang pangkalan armada Amerika di Pearl Harbor. Serangan Pearl Harbor yang terjadi pada 7 Desember 1941, menandai pecahnya Perang Pasifik sebagai bagian dari Perang Dunia II. Penelitian ini membahas tentang awal kekalahan militer Jepang yang terjadi dalam pertempuran Midway yang berlangsung pada 4-7 Juni 1942. Pertempuran Midway adalah sebuah pertempuran dalam Perang Pasifik yang menandai titik balik atau awal kekalahan militer Jepang saat terjadinya Perang Pasifik. Ekspansi yang dilakukan militer Jepang ke berbagai wilayah di Asia Pasifik terus mengalami kemenangan yang gemilang pada paruh awal tahun 1942, namun mengalami kekalahan telak untuk pertama kalinya pada pertempuran Midway. Setelah kekalahan dalam pertempuran Midway, kekuatan armada militer Jepang semakin lemah, kemudian disusul dengan banyak kekalahan yang membawa kehancuran di Pihak Jepang hingga akhirnya menyerah pada tahun 1945.

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ABSTRACTJapan 39 s military has such wide ranging powerful forces and thus were unattainable to be surpassed in the early period of World War II. The adequacy and complexity of Japanese military weaponry has roughly became the underlay in order to ambush the base of the American fleet at Pearl Harbor. The attack on Pearl Harbor which was occurred on December 7, 1941 has made the outbreak of Pacific War as a part of World War II. Therefore, this paper discusses the early segment of Japan 39 s military defeat that occurred in the Battle of Midway which took place on 4th to June 7th, 1942. The Battle of Midway has been determined as an inclusive battle of Pacific War that has been the turning point or the beginning of Japan 39 s defeat during the Pacific War. Expansion of Japanese military to various regions in Asia Pacific continues to gain complete victory in early half of 1942, but eventually suffered major breakdown for the first time at The Battle of Midway. On the aftermath, Japan 39 s enforcement was gradually getting overpowered, followed with any miscalculations that brought Japan into subjugation, until finally they were admitted defeat in 1945. "

"This book deals with military defeat and national catastrophe, and their implications for society. When the First Balkan War broke out in October 1912, few Ottomans anticipated that it would prove to be a watershed moment for the empire, ending in atrocities, ignominy, national catastrophe, and the loss of its remaining provinces in the Balkans. Defeat at the hands of an alliance of Balkan states comprising Bulgaria, Greece, Serbia and Montenegro created deep national trauma and led to bitter soul-searching, giving rise to a so-called culture of defeat in which condemnation, exclusion of the non-Muslim minorities, criticism over the project of Ottomanism, and calls for national rejuvenation prevailed in a way clearly at odds with the reformist discourse which followed the young turk revolution of 1908. This book discusses some of the different visual and written products of the defeat, published in Ottoman local languages (Turkish, Arabic and Ladino), with the aim of understanding the experience of defeat, how it was perceived, analyzed and commemorated by different sectors in Ottoman society, to show that it is key to understanding the decisions and actions of the Ottoman political elite during the subsequent world war one and the early decades of the Turkish Republic."

"Tujuan dari tesis ini adalah untuk mengetahui sejauh mana pengaruh faktor-faktor identitas dan identifikasi politik masyarakat terhadap rendahnya perolehan suara parpol Islam. Selain itu juga untuk mengidentifikasi faktor-faktor perilaku apa saja dan interaksi politik parpol Islam seperti apa yang berpengaruh terhadap menurunnya elektabilitas, serta apakah perubahan landscape politik nasional dalam sejarah politik Indonesia berpengaruh terhadap strategi parpol Islam untuk mengantisipasi penurunan elektabilitas tersebut. Pemilu 2014 menjadi potret terbaru bagaimana partai Islam kembali mengulangi sejarah yang sama, yakni tidak mampu mendobrak dominasi partai-partai nasionalis dalam perolehan suara pemilu di Indonesia. Kekalahan ini menghidupkan lagi wacana sekaligus perdebatan mengenai berakhirnya politik aliran di Indonesia. Dalam penelitian ini, ditemukan bahwa politik aliran itu tidak betul-betul berakhir. Meskipun pengaruhnya terhadap pemilih tidak sekuat Pemilu 1955, namun politik aliran tetap bereksistensi. Tentu saja saat ini trikotomi Geertz, yang membagi umat Islam atas santri, priyayi, dan abangan, tidak terlalu relevan. Sebab, umat Islam sudah semakin rasional dalam memilih, tak terkecuali kaum santri. Di sisi lain, partai politik sendiri cenderung bergeser ke tengah. Partai-partai nasionalis saat ini tidak “anti” Islam. Bahkan partai seperti PDIP, Gerindra, dan Golkar sudah punya sayap organisasi Islam. Sebaliknya, partai Islam seperti PPP dan PKS sudah sering menyatakan diri sebagai partai terbuka, sebagai respon dari asumsi bahwa politik aliran sudah mencair dan bahkan berakhir. Selain persoalan tersebut, dalam tesis ini juga dikemukakan mengenai prospek partai Islam, yang di antaranya dengan mengacu pada hasil suara partai Islam dalam Pemilu 2014 dan posisinya ketika dikonfrontir dengan berbagai hasil survei yang menyebutkan bahwa partai Islam pasca Pemilu 2014 akan suram. Tesis ini menggunakan teori partai politik dan teori ideologi, bagaimana teori tersebut melihat partai Islam di Indonesia. Konsep-konsep, baik dari Geertz yang membagi umat Islam di Jawa yang terdiri dari santri, abangan, dan priyayi, maupun dari Herbert Faith juga menjadi salah satu pembanding, apakah konsep-konsep tersebut masih relevan dalam melihat politik aliran dalam Pemilu 2014.

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The purpose of this thesis is to determine the extent of the influence of factors of identity and political identification of society to the low number of votes of Islamic political parties. In addition, to identify the factors and interaction behavior any Islamic political parties as to what effect on decreasing elektabilitas, and whether changes in the national political landscape in Indonesia's political history affect the strategy of Islamic political parties to anticipate the decline elektabilitas. Election of 2014 became the latest portrait how Islamic parties reiterated the same history, which is not able to break the dominance of nationalist parties in the history of vote elections in Indonesia. This defeat at the same discourse revive debate about the end of the flow in Indonesian politics. In this study, it was found that the flow politics not really ended. Although its influence on voters is not as strong as the 1955 election, but the political stream remains to exist. Of course, this time the trichotomy of Geertz, which divides the muslim students, gentry, and abangan, not too relevant. Therefore, the muslim students are increasingly rational in choosing, not to mention the students. On the other hand, the political parties themselves are likely to shift to the center. Nationalist parties today are not "anti" Islam. Even parties like PDIP, Gerindra, and Golkar already have Islamic organization‟s wings. In contrast, Islamist parties like PPP and PKS have often refers to himself as an open party, with the assumption that the political stream has ended. In this thesis also expressed about the prospects for Islamic parties, some of which with reference to the Islamic party‟s vote in the 2014 election and its position when confronted with various results of many survey say that the Islamist party after the 2014 election will be bleak. This thesis uses the theory of political parties and the theory of ideology, how these theories see Islamic parties in Indonesia. Concepts, both of Geertz that divides Muslims in Java, which consists of students, abangan, and gentry, and of Herbert She also became one of the comparison, whether these concepts are still relevant in view of the political streams in the 2014 election."

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan faktor-faktor struktural yang menyebabkan anak dalam kemiskinan terlibat pemidanaan, bentuk perlukaan sosial (social harm) yang dialami oleh anak, serta bagaimana pengalaman-pengalaman tersebut membentuk viktimisasi berlapis dalam kehidupan mereka. Penelitian ini menggunakan paradigma kriminologi kritis yang didukung oleh pyrrhic defeat theory. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif-kriminologi kritis yang berorientasi pada ketidakadilan yang dialami anak dalam kemiskinan sekaligus menyuarakan perlunya transformasi kebijakan sosial, sistem hukum, dan peradilan pidana. Data diperoleh dari enam anak yang menjalani pemidanaan di LPKA Kelas II Jakarta, orang tua anak, pembimbing kemasyarakatan, dan petugas LPKA. Data juga didukung dengan dokumen putusan pengadilan dan hasil penelitian kemasyarakatan (litmas). Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa kemiskinan struktural menjadi jalur sistemik menuju kriminalisasi. Sistem hukum secara sistematis menargetkan kelompok rentan, memperparah pelanggaran hak anak secara fisik, psikologis, dan sosial. Penelitian ini menyerukan reformasi mendasar dalam kebijakan sosial, sistem hukum, dan peradilan pidana untuk menghentikan kriminalisasi kemiskinan dan melindungi hak asasi anak secara menyeluruh.

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This study aims to explain the structural factors that lead children living in poverty to become involved in criminal sentencing, the forms of social harm they experience, and how these experiences shape layered victimization in their lives. The research adopts a critical criminology paradigm supported by pyrrhic defeat theory. It employs a qualitative-critical criminology approach, focusing on the injustices experienced by impoverished children while advocating for the transformation of social policies, legal systems, and criminal justice systems. Data were collected from six children subjected to criminal sentencing at LPKA Kelas II Jakarta, their parents, community mentors, and LPKA staff. The data were further supported by juvenile court rulings and social inquiry reports (litmas). The findings reveal that structural poverty serves as a systemic pathway to criminalization. The legal system systematically targets vulnerable groups, exacerbating violations of children’s rights physically, psychologically, and socially. This research calls for fundamental reforms in social policies, legal systems, and criminal justice systems to end the criminalization of poverty and comprehensively protect children’s human rights."