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"The history of Italian colonial affairs has recently attracted renewed interest from historians and economists. It is a complex and involved question. Over the last few years, though perhaps slightly later than the more mature historiography of other European countries, the work of some important scholars has opened up new fields of investigation and research. Recent studies have tried to analyse in greater depth the working mechanisms of the colonial system, broadening the field of investigation also to the perspective of African countries and the political-economic equilibriums of the second half of the 20th century. This study fits into this area of research and analyses crucial aspects of the decolonisation of Somalia, the history of the presence of Italian banking in Somaliland, relations between Italian and Somali institutions, Italian political-monetary policies during the reconstruction and the first economic boom. "

"The misrepresentation of Southeast Asians throughout history was often the results of the White Man’s burden doctrine practiced by Western colonialists, which clouded their perceptions of Southeast Asians, resulting in claims that Southeast Asians were inferior. This Eurocentric idea has distorted the representation of colonized nations in general. However, the worst Eurocentric fallacy is regarding Muslim women in Southeast Asia. They were not only misrepresented but also intimidated by the patriarchal nature of orientalism. Muslim women were, and indeed often still are, viewed as vulnerable victims that need to be saved from their men, making them quarry of double oppression. The most unfortunate part is even many modern white feminists still subscribe to these Eurocentric ideas. Thus, this paper aims to decolonize this narrative by illustrating the history of women’s involvement in politics from the time of the Malay Sultanate until post-World War II Malaya. This research also explores women’s participation in the far-right and far-left political movements in Malaya, with special references to Ibu Zain and Shamsiah Fakeh. We demonstrate the independence of Malayan women and affirm that they were well-presented in Malayan politics over this period of time."

"Discussions on post-coloniality are often situated either in the centre of the colonizer or colonial metropole or the centre of the former colonized. The local perspective, especially in Indonesia, seems overlooked in existing literature, whereas it could be regarded as the cultural archive of the colonial era to post-independence Indonesia. Edward Said (1994) has said that cultural archives are a storehouse of a particular knowledge and structures of attitude and a reference to and structure of feelings. Gloria Wekker (2016) elaborates on the cultural archive; it has influenced historical cultural configurations as well as current dominant, cherished self-representations and culture. This paper examines the role of two provincial museums in Indonesia: Mpu Tantular Museum Surabaya and the Sonobudoyo Museum Yogyakarta, as cultural archives for each region. Since their foundation in the colonial era by the Europeans and local elite figures, these museums have seen many political changes. This paper delves into the archives and exhibitions of the museums to assess how they deal with their exhibition narratives as a colonial legacy, and to what extent these provincial museums have been involved in decolonization discourse. It proposes another way of looking at the post-colonial situation in Indonesian museums, not at the centre but more on the periphery."

"Konflik Indonesia Belanda mengenai status Irian Barat, telah membawah akibat yang relatif besar terhadap proses integrasi politik Irian Barat kewilayah Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Konflik yang berkepanjangan berawal dari kebijakan Belanda yang mempersoalkan Irian Barat sejak proklamasi kemerdekaan Indonesia pada tanggal 17 Agustus 1945. Dan pada puncaknya pada Konperensi Meja Bundar tahun 1949 di Den Haag Belanda.Kebijakan Belanda mengenai dekolonisasi dan Hak menentukan nasib sendiri menimbulkan konflik antara pemerintah Belanda dan pemerintah Indonesia namun juga menimbulkan reaksi baik dari orang Belanda, kelompok terpelajar Irian Barat sendiri, dan situasi internasional khususnya Amerika Serikat dan Australia menentang kebijakan Belanda mengenai dekolonisasi Irian Barat.Akhirnya Pemerintah Belanda berubah merencanakan pembentukan "negara" Irian Barat dan menyerahkan wilayah itu kepada Indonesia melalui persetujuan New York pada tanggal 15 Agustus 1962 dibawah tekanan Amerika, Perserikatan Bangsa Bangsa.Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk merekontruksi sebab-sebab kegagalan dekolonisasi dan hak menentukan nasib yang ditawarkan sendiri oleh Pemerintah Belanda kepada penduduk Irian Barat yang didasarkan pada pendekatan Strukturis dari Christopher Liyod 1993 dan teori Collective Action dari Charles Tilly 1978. Manfaat penelitian ini untuk menambah khasanah Sejarah Nasional Indonesia khususnya sejarah Irian Barat."

"The disintegration of the British Empire in Asia and the emergence of new nationstates marked a period of significant upheaval for communities whose identities and mobilities were fundamentally reconstituted by a new system of borders, citizenships, and nationalities. In this article, I seek to explore a social history of early citizenship in Singapore by examining how citizenship was understood and conceived by varied segments of society during its final years as a colony. Focusing on ethnic groups considered non-indigenous, I examine the decisions made by communities and individuals with regard to Singapore citizenship, studying the period between 1957 and 1963. During this time the meaning and significance of Singapore citizenship underwent dramatic shifts, and various forms of dual citizenship were phased out in the context of political plans for Singapore’s future. I argue that individuals’ decisions about citizenship reveal how they understood their own futures after colonialism, within the region, commonwealth, and nation. The citizensubjectivities of individuals and communities often did not align with what emerged as an official discourse of exclusive loyalty and belonging. Early experiences of citizenship were instead shaped by intersections of race, class, and complex transnational identities, as well as pragmatic assessments and emotional decision making. These did not simply mirror state-driven processes but instead represented important aspects of the complex social history of decolonization in Singapore and the early transition of its inhabitants from a colonial society to a national citizenry."

"During the cold war, the superpowers endeavored to win hearts and minds through what came to be called public diplomacy. Many of the target audiences were on the front lines in Europe. But other, larger ones resided in areas outside Europe, in the throes of decolonization and poverty. Among these lands, for all the drama of war, intervention, and revolution, the majority experienced the cold war as public diplomacy, as a media war for their allegiance rather than as a violent war for their lives. In these areas, superpower public diplomacy encountered issues of race, empire, poverty, and decolonization, all in flux as they intersected with the cold war, and with long-running anti-imperialist currents. The challenge to US public diplomacy was acute, as the image of the United States was inseparable from Jim Crow and from Washingtons European alliances. Yet the greater consequence of these campaigns was not for American diplomacy, but rather for postwar international history, when the non-European world responded to this media war by joining it. Newly independent voices launched public diplomacy campaigns of their own, making for a crowded field. In addition to validating the strategic importance of public diplomacy, this proliferation of voices articulated a different vision. Reappropriating the space left between the poles of the superpower conflict, this global conversation formulated the Third World project around a nucleus of nonalignment, development, and anticolonial racial solidarity. The Global South response to the Cold War thereby helped to coalesce the third world as a transnational imagined community."

"Opposition to apartheid was one of the great moments in postwar history. Its success remains a symbol of a progressive global community. An African volk looks at this phenomenon from the other side. It explores how the apartheid state in South Africa sought to maintain power as the world of white empire gave way to a new postcolonial environment that repudiated racial hierarchy. Drawing upon archival research across Southern Africa and beyond, as well as over fifty hours of interviews with leading figures from the apartheid order, An African volk shows how instead of simply resisting decolonization and African nationalism in the name of white supremacy, the white power structure looked to hijack and invert the norms of the new global era to relegitimize its rule, break out of isolation, and secure international acceptance. Situated at the nexus of African, decolonization, and cold war history, An African Volk tells the story of how the architects of apartheid used statecraft to redefine whiteness and promote a fresh ideological basis for their rule. In doing so, it offers new global and local perspectives on the apartheid state and illuminates the complexities and contradictions of the postcolonial project. Equally, it shows how the regimes outreach to Africa both reflected and fueled heated debates within Afrikaner society over the relationship between race, nation, and state, exposing a deeply divided polity in the midst of massive economic, cultural, and social change."