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"Notes: The authors look beyond party cohesion and discipline in parliamentary democracies to take a broader view, assuming a diversity of preferences among party members and then exploring the incentives that give rise to coordinated party behaviour at the electoral, legislative and executive levels. The chapters in this book share a common analytical framework, confronting theoretical models of government formation with empirical data, some drawn from cross-national analyses and others from theoretically structured case studies. A distinctive feature of the book is that it explores the impact of intra-party politics at different levels of government: national, local and EU. This offers the opportunity to investigate existing theories of coalition formation in new political settings. Finally, the book offers a range of innovative methods for investigating intra-party politics which, for example, creates a need to estimate the policy positions of individual politicians inside political parties."

"Penelitian ini membahas tentang revitalisasi pasar tradisional di Kota Semarang dengan mengambil kasus revitalisasi Pasar Johar. Permasalahan dalam revitalisasi Pasar Johar ini adalah kebijakan pembangunan pasar yang berupaya memperbaiki kondisi pasar ternyata tidak menguntungkan bagi para pedagang. Ada berbagai kepentingan dari pemerintah, pedgaang dan kelompok kepentingan yang memunculkan kekacauan. Kepentingan dari berbagai pihak tersebut berusaha untuk bisa mempengaruhi proses implementasi kebijakan. Hal ini kemudian menyebabkan proses pembangunan pasar tersebut diwarnai dengan konflik kepentingan antarpihak. Peneliti menggunakan teori Urban Regime Stone dan teori implementasi kebijakan Van Metter dan Horn sebagai pisau analisis. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan wawancara kepada sejumlah informan dari pemerintah dan pedagang Pasar Johar. Hasil dari penelitian adalah bahwa kepentingan pribadi dari berbagai pihak yang cukup kuat membuat koalisi antara pemerintah dengan pedagang tidak berjalan dengan baik. Sebagai urban regime, revitalisasi berhasil dalam pembangunan fisik gedung pasar, namun belum berhasil untuk mengembalikan perekonomian Pasar Johar. Keberhasilannya tampak pada penataan wilayah pasar menjadi lebih indah, rapi dan teratur. Akan tetapi hal yang belum berhasil dicapai dalam revitalisasi ini adalah kenaikan pedapatan pedagang di Pasar Johar. Selain itu, dalam implementasi kebijakan juga terjadi berbagai penyimpangan yang dilakukan oleh berbagai pihak.

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This study discusses the revitalization of traditional markets in the city of Semarang by taking the case of Johar Market revitalization. The problem with revitalizing Johar Market is that market development policies that seek to improve market conditions turn out to be unprofitable for traders. There are various interests from the government, traders, and interest groups that cause chaos. The interests of these various parties seek to influence the policy implementation process. This then causes the market development process to be colored by conflicts of interest between parties. The researcher uses Urban Regime Stone theory and Van Metter and Horn's policy implementation theory as analysis tools. This study used a qualitative research method by interviewing a number of informants from the government and Johar Market traders. The results of the research are the personal interests of various parties that are strong enough to make disputes between the government and traders not go well. As an urban regime, the revitalization of the Johar market was successful in the physical construction of the market building, but it has not succeeded in restoring the Johar Market economy. Its success is seen in the arrangement of the market area to be more beautiful, neat and orderly. However, what has not been achieved in this revitalization is an increase in the income of traders at Pasar Johar. In addition, in the implementation of the policy, various irregularities were committed by various parties."

"ABSTRAKTesis ini membahas tentang Strategi Koalisi oleh Perusahaan-Perusahaan AnggotaIBCA untuk Penanggulangan HIV/AIDS Dalam Menjawab Tantangan TanggungJawab Sosial Perusahaan Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif denganjenis penelitian deskriptif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa implementasi prinsipCSR, yaitu sustainability dan stakeholder sudah ada dalam visi dan misi IBCAnamun pada prakteknya belum diterapkan secara maksimal. Lebih lanjut lagikeberlangsungan koalisi sudah berjalan sesuai isu dan komitmen anggota sangatkuat, serta mekanisme pengelolaan koalisi sudah baik, namun insentif dan manfaatIBCA bagi anggotanya belum maksimal

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ABSTRACTThis thesis discusses the Coalition Strategy by IBCA Members for HIV / AIDS as aChallenges of Corporate Social Responsibility. This study used a qualitativeapproach with descriptive research. The results showed that the implementation ofCSR principles, sustainability and stakeholders, existing in the vision and mission ofIBCA but in practice has not been applied to the fullest. Furthermore coalition isgoing according to HIV/AIDS issues and the very strong commitment of members,as well as the mechanism of coalition management is good, but the incentives andbenefits for its members IBCA is not maximized"

"Abstract. The spatial planning policy as included in the Local Regulation No. 6/2006 on the spatial planning of Makassar in 2005-2015 has changed from the original blueprint. The policy changing occurred on decisions or programs, but not on institutional regulations. The decisions or programs on spatial planning that were different from the original policy were visible on the licensing decisions in the Development Region I and Development Region III. The purpose of this research was to analyze the changing of the spatial planning policy that was resulted from the behavior of the advocacy coalition who competed with each other in the utilization of strategy and political resources, which was assumed to be affecting the policy output. The study results indicated that the changing of the spatial planning policy in Makassar was resulted from the competition between the major advocacy coalition and the minor advocacy coalition in influencing the policy. The Major Advocacy Coalition used the combination of strategy and political resources more in comparison to the minor advocacy coalition. The utilization of strategy from each advocacy coalitions was effective in several cases but ineffective in other cases. The difference in the effectiveness of the utilization of strategy was on the interests in each cases. In the projects that were based on public interests, the Major Coalition was more systematic in advocating the policy core beliefs, but in other projects that were based on private interests, the Major Coalition was likely to withdraw Abstrak. Kebijakan penataan ruang daerah yang tertuang dalam peraturan daerah nomor 6 tahun 2006 tentang rencana tata ruang wilayah Kota Makassar 2005-2015 telah mengalami perubahan dari blueprint yang telah ditetapkan. Perubahan kebijakan terjadi pada ranah keputusan/program, bukan aturan kelembagaan. Keputusan/program penataan ruang yang berbeda dengan blueprint kebijakan tampak pada keputusan-keputusan pemberian perizinan di Kawasan Pengembangan I dan Pengembangan III. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis perubahan kebijakan pemanfaatan ruang yang diakibatkan oleh perilaku koalisi advokasi yang saling bersaing dalam menggunakan strategi dan sumber daya politik, yang diasumsikan mempengaruhi output kebijakan. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa perubahan kebijakan penataan ruang daerah di Kota Makassar terjadi akibat kompetisi koalisi advokasi mayor dan koalisi advokasi minor dalam mempengaruhi kebijakan. Koalisi Advokasi Mayor menggunakan kombinasi strategi dan sumber daya politik yang lebih banyak dibanding koalisi minor. Penggunaan strategi dari masing-masing koalisi advokasi efektif dalam beberapa kasus namun tidak efektif dalam kasuskasus yang lainnya. Perbedaan dalam efektivitas penggunaan strategi tersebut terletak pada basis kepentingan yang ada pada masing-masing kasus. Dalam proyek yang berbasis kepentingan publik, Koalisi Mayor lebih sistematis memperjuangkan policy core belief, namun dalam proyek yang berbasis kepentingan privat pihak Koalisi Mayor cenderung menarik diri."

"Penelitian ini membahas upaya Presiden Joko Widodo memperkuat posisi eksekutif dengan menggalang dukungan partai di luar koalisi pemerintah pasca pemilihan umum untuk menghindari potensi kebuntuan antara eksekutif dan legislatif. Fokus studi kasus yang diangkat adalah upaya yang dilakukan Presiden Joko Widodo menarik Partai Golkar ke dalam koalisi pemerintahan. Asumsi penelitian ini adalah Presiden Joko Widodo menggunakan ldquo;kotak alat eksekutif rdquo; yaitu seperangkat kewenangan yang dimiliki eksekutif untuk menarik Partai Golkar bergabung ke dalam koalisi pemerintah tahun 2016 untuk menjadikan koalisi pemerintah mayoritas di legislatif dan mencegah terjadinya kebuntuan antara eksekutif dan legislatif. Dengan menggunakan teori presidensialisme multipartai dan konsep presiden koalisional, penelitian ini membuktikan Presiden Joko Widodo menggunakan ldquo;kotak alat eksekutif rdquo; dalam menarik partai Golkar begabung ke dalam koalisi pemerintah, alasannya karena dengan jumlah kursi Partai Golkar di legislatif yang berjumlah 91 kursi berhasil mengubah posisi koalisi pemerintah yang awalnya 37.1 menjadi mayoritas yakni 68.9 . Kotak alat eksekutif yang digunakan berupa coalition goods yakni pembagian kursi menteri, serta porks yakni kebijakan-kebijakan seperti dana talangan Lapindo, SK Menkumham terkait pengesahan kubu Agung Laksono, dukungan terhadap calon ketua partai di dalam Musyawarah Luar Biasa Partai Golkar, serta dukungaan pengembalian kursi Ketua DPR untuk Setya Novanto.

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This study discusses the efforts of President Joko Widodo to strengthen the executive position by raising party support beyond the post election government coalition to avoid potential deadlock between the executive and legislative. The focus of the case study is the efforts by President Joko Widodo to draw the Golkar Party into the government coalition. The assumption of this research is that President Joko Widodo use the executive toolbox , a set of executive owned powers, to draw the Golkar Party into the 2016 government coalition to make the government 39 s coalition majority in the legislative and prevent deadlocks between the executive and the legislative. Using the theory of multiparty presidentialism and the concept of coalitional president, this study proves that President Joko Widodo use an executive tool box to draw Golkar parties into the coalition of government, the reason is that the number of seats in Golkar Party in legislative is 91 seat managed to change the position of the government coalition which originally 37.1 to the majority of which is 68.9 . The executive tool box used in the form of coalition goods is the act of giving ministerial seats, as well as porks such policies such as Lapindo bailout, SK Menkumham related to endorse Agung Laksono administrator, support for candidate party chairman in Musyawarah Luar Biasa Golkar Party, as well as support for Setya Novanto as the chairman of Indonesian legislative body."

"Penelitian ini dilatar belakangi oleh fenomena tentang elektabilitas partai-partai politik Islam (PKS, PPP, PAN, dan PKB) yang semakin menurun dalam setiap pemilu. Hal tersebut ditandai dengan perolehan suara di pemilu yang cenderung tidak mengalami peningkatan yang berarti. Dengan menggunakan teori triad koalisi dari Theodore Caplow (1956) yang membahas tentang size of party power sebagai dasar pembentukkan koalisi dan penentuan posisi daya tawar politik anggota koalisi, teori tentang arena koalisi dari Heywood dan Arendt Liphart yang membahas tentang pentingnya kesamaan ideologi dalam koalisi, teori tentang tipologi partai politik dari Almond yang dikaitkan dengan konsep tentang partai Islam dari Vali Nasr, penelitian kualitatif ini menganalisis masalah yang berkaitan dengan konstruksi bangunan koalisi yang dibentuk (KIH dan KMP) dengan melihat posisi PKS, PPP, PAN dan PKB didalamnya. Dengan mengaitkan masalah tentang adanya kesamaan dasar nilai ideologi partai dan karaktaer basis massa yang sama, penelitian ini juga menganalisis masalah tentang penyebab partai partai politik Islam tidak membangun satu koalisi bersama untuk menghadapi Pemilihan Presiden 2014 untuk mengajukan tokoh politik Islam sebagai calon Presiden dan wakil presiden. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa orientasi policy seeking yang mengedepankan ideologi sebagai motivasi dalam membentuk koalisi, sudah tidak lagi dianggap penting. identifikasi kekuatan perolehan suara partai politik seperti yang dijelaskan oleh Caplow menjadi satu satunya strategi dalam pembentukkan koalisi. Akibatnya, pragmatisme semakin kuat dengan office seeking yang menjadi orientasi dalam berkoalisi, soliditas menjadi lemah dan partai politik bisa dengan mudah keluar masuk koalisi. Konflik internal partai, menjadi salah satu penyebab lemahnya daya tawar politik partai di dalam koalisi yang dimasuki karena dianggap mengancam elektabilitas capres dan cawapres yang diajukan. Tidak terbangunnya koalisi di antara partai politik Islam disebabkan karena orientasi ideologi yang berbeda, lebih dominannya pragmatisme politik dan tidak adanya figur elite politik Islam yang bisa menjadi pemersatu kekuatan Islam politik yang terpecah. Implikasi teoritis dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa size of party power seperti yang dikemukakan oleh Caplow dalam pembentukkan koalisi hanya dijadikan sebagai strategi untuk mengumpulkan kekuatan partai dalam kontestasi. Karakter massa dan latar belakang nilai ideologi yang sama tidak dimanfaatkan oleh partai politik untuk melakukan bargaining dalam internal koalisi dalam penentuan keputusan penting. Secara teoritis, seperti yang dikemukakan oleh Caplow, masing-masing anggota koalisi memiliki daya tawar berdasarkan besaran kekuatan suara yang dimiliki. Namun secara faktual, posisi tawar PKS, PPP dan PAN di KMP sangat minim dan lemah, Begitu juga dengan PKB di KIH, walau menjadi partai kedua terbesar di KIH, lemahnya daya tawar politik PKB membuat calon waki presiden yang diajukan PKB tidak diputuskan mendampingi Joko Widodo sebagai calon presiden

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This research is motivated by the phenomenon of the electability of Islamic political parties (PKS, PPP, PAN, and PKB) which is decreasing in every election. This is indicated by the number of votes in the general election which tends not to increase significantly. By using the triad coalition theory from Theodore Caplow (1956) which discusses the size of party power as the basis for forming coalitions and determining the political bargaining power position of coalition members, the theory about the coalition arena from Heywood and Arendt Liphart which discusses the importance of ideological similarities in coalitions, theory Regarding the typology of political parties from Almond associated with the concept of an Islamic party from Vali Nasr, this qualitative study analyzes problems related to the construction of the coalition buildings formed (KIH and KMP) by looking at the position of PKS, PPP, PAN and PKB in it. By linking the problem of the similarity of the basic ideological values ​​of the party and the same mass-based character, this study also analyzes the problem of why Islamic political parties did not build a coalition together to face the 2014 Presidential Election to nominate Islamic political figures as presidential and vice presidential candidates. This study found that the policy seeking orientation, which puts forward ideology as a motivation in forming coalitions, is no longer considered important. identification of the voting power of political parties as described by Caplow is the only strategy in forming coalitions. As a result, pragmatism is getting stronger with office seeking being the orientation in coalitions, solidity is getting weaker and political parties can easily enter and exit coalitions. Internal party conflicts are one of the causes of the weak political bargaining power of parties in the coalition entered because they are considered to threaten the electability of the proposed presidential and vice-presidential candidates. The non-establishment of coalitions among Islamic political parties is due to different ideological orientations, more dominant political pragmatism and the absence of Islamic political elite figures who can unify the forces of divided political Islam. The theoretical implication of this research shows that the size of party power as proposed by Caplow in forming a coalition is only used as a strategy to gather party power in the contestation. The character of the masses and the background of the same ideological values ​​are not used by political parties to bargain within the internal coalition in determining important decisions. Theoretically, as stated by Caplow, each member of the coalition has bargaining power based on the amount of voting power they have. But in fact, the bargaining position of PKS, PPP and PAN in KMP is minimal and weak. Likewise with PKB in KIH, despite being the second largest party in KIH, PKB's weak political bargaining power has prevented the vice presidential candidate proposed by PKB to accompany Joko Widodo as a presidential candidate."

"Skripsi ini menjelaskan bagaimana konflik perubahan penggunaan lahan yang terjadi antara Sekolah Master dengan koalisi Pemerintah Kota Depok dan PT Andyka Investa. Adanya perubahan penggunaan lahan yang yang ditempati Sekolah Master dari fungsi penunjang pendidikan untuk menunjang kepentingan ekonomi menjadi penyebab munculnya konflik. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif untuk menjelaskan konflik tersebut. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori growth machine untuk menganalisa konflik yang terjadi antara Sekolah Master dengan koalisi Pemerintah Kota Depok dan PT Andyka Investa. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan adanya perbedaan kepentingan antara Sekolah Master dengan koalisi Pemeintah Kota Depok dan PT Andyka Investa dalam penggunaan lahan Terminal Depok.

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This thesis explains how the change land-use conflict that occur between the Master School against coalition's of Depok City Government and Andyka Investa Ltd. in revitalition of Depok City's terminal. The conflict is caused by the change of the land-use of Master School from education support's function to economic interest's function. This study uses qualitative method to resolve the conflict. This study uses growth machine theory to analyze conflict between Master School and coalition's of Government Depok City and Andyka Investa Ltd. The results of this thesis shows that there are a different interest between Master School, the coalitions's of Depok City Government, and Andyka Investa Ltd regarding the usage of Depok Terminal area."

"ABSTRACTCognitive radio CR, an effective method for shortage of spectrum resources and sensing, can be exploited well in manufacturing for communicating with limited spectrums and monitoring equipment and environment. Although cooperative spectrum sensing in CR using coalition formation CF games can bring in better sensing quality, it is more complex. In this paper, we study two representative CF algorithms with different orders of CF and then present an enhanced CF algorithm based on the new order of maximum utility for two coalitions, aiming at complexity optimization and remaining sensing quality at the same time. It is certified by analyses and simulations that compared with two CF representative algorithms the improved CF one is simple in complexity and high in sensing quality simultaneously. The improved CF algorithm is also demonstrated to be available for the CRN constantly changing."

"Studi ini membahas proses pembuatan kebijakan public, yakni RUU Perlindungan Data Pribadi di Komisi I DPR. Penelitian yang memfokuskan pada proses pertarungan argumentasi wacana untuk memperoleh koalisi wacana atau kesepakatan bersama ini menggunakan pendekatan Analysis Jaringan Wacana (Discourse Network Analysis–DNA) dan Teori Discourse Coalition Framework (DCF), dengan paradigma konstruktivism. Penelitian ini mengunakan pendekatan campuran kuantitatif-kualitatif, sebagai panduan saat mengumpulkan data, menganalisis data, serta proses penelitian secara umum dalam satu rangkaian. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan pemetaan actor dalam membangun argumentasi dan mempertarungkan argumentasi menggunakan narasi alur cerita dan metafor, yang dituangkan dalam practice. Ini agar wacananya mempengaruhi dan diterima oleh actor lain, hingga mendominasi wacana dalam perdebatan. Selanjutnya dari proses debat cenderung terbentuk struktur jejaring koalisi wacana atau konsensus dari pembahasan RUU Perlindungan Data Pribadi. Dibandingkan studi terdahulu, pendekatan, teori dan paradigma penelitian ini menjadi kebaruan dalam penelitian.

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This study focuses on the process of public policy making, namely the Bill on Personal Data Protection in Commission One of the DPR; especially it aims to map the process of discourse argumentative to obtain collective agreement of a public forum which is called Discourse Coalition. For analysis reasons, this study uses the Discourse Network Analysis (DNA) approach and the Discourse Coalition Framework (DCF) theory, with a constructivism paradigm. The method used for the study is quantitative-qualitative mixed-method, as a guide when collecting data, analyzing data, and the general research process as a whole.

The results of the research show that the mapping of actors in building arguments to dominate discourse argumentative, using storyline, narratives and metaphors, which were then applied in practices. This is so that the discourse influences and is accepted by other actors, so that it dominates the discourse in the debate. Furthermore, the study tends to form a consensusnetwork- structure or discourse coalition from the public debate. Compared to previous studies, this research approach, theory and paradigm become novelty for the research"

"This final assignment is observing about government system and institutions relationship in Indonesia, since Soeharto?s era until Reformation era. Its research is focused on presidentialism practice in Indonesia, study case of SBY-JK government (October 2004 ? March 2008). This objective study is based on the theories of presidentialism, democracy, political party, and presidential leadership especially in the third world with qualitative literature approach.Executive and legislative institution in Indonesia, had a dynamic relationship since Soeharto?s era. That situation made a problem in presidentialism practice. Within Soeharto?s power, new order era succeed to make executive heavy on the system. It means, Soeharto controlled the government system and became a centralistic of authority. On the other hand, legislative was powerless. This executive heavy caused dissatisfaction on the accountability, transparency, and mandate for the people. President is voted by legislative but in practical, executive was so powerful. Many people had realized then, if there were a disappointment on the government and political practice for 32 years of Soeharto?s era. After that, General economic distress was happened on 1997 in Indonesia within global monetary crisis. In addition, the government was controlled by corruption, collusion, and nepotism politician. As a result, people pushed the reform in 1998.Reformation 1998, has made a renewal in institutional relationship between executive, legislative, and judicative, especially President - House of Representative. With amendment UUD 1945, liberalization of political parties was occurred, House of Representative?s authority has been empowered, and all of the problems were started to be fixed. In the next four generation of President (B.J. Habibie, Gus Dur, Megawati, SBY), Indonesia had implemented those reform, but still adjusted. Until the election in 2004 and almost 10 years, reformation still has had a problem in presidentialism practice.The election in 2004 (within separated election and multiparty) was the new era for President who would be more powerful because of the direct election, but on the contrary, the combination between presidentialism and multiparty was a complicated combination. President faced with coalition party, minority president, and cohabitation in executive leadership. The fact, SBY-JK controls the government with weak management/policy and leadership of SBY-JK inside. So that, many problems which are faced by the government cannot be solved effectively/efficiently, at least during this research is being done."