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Abstrak :
Despite its much-touted agenda to fight poverty and corruption, the Aquino administration was not able to produce good results during its term at the national level. However, some political forces and policy reforms that emerged with the administration achieved remarkable change at the local level. This paper explores the case of Siquijor Province, where an entrenched political dynasty was defeated in the 2013 and 2016 elections by candidates supported by the Liberal Party and its allied forces, Akbayan, and analyzes factors that brought this change by focusing on activities of People Power Volunteers for Reform, the impact of bottom-up budgeting projects, and the mobilization of powers of the national government through personal relationships. It also notes achievements of the Aquino administration at the local level, provides a critical perspective to the elite democracy discourse that sticks to a static view of Philippine politics, and clarifies local practices by progressive forces that confront oligarchy.

Abstrak :
ABSTRAK
Penelitian ini membahas perkembangan fenomena politik keluarga di Lamongan melalui pemilihan kepala daerah secara langsung (Pilkada) dan sistem pemilu proporsional dengan suara terbanyak yang telah memberikan kesempatan lebih besar kepada keluarga politik untuk memperoleh dan memperbesar kekuasaannya. Fokus penelitian ini adalah melihat kemunculan keluarga Fadeli yang berkontestasi politik di Lamongan dengan temuan penelitian yang menunjukan bahwa keluarga dapat memanfaatkan kekuatan politik formal maupun informal melalui cara strategi klientelisme, sehingga dapat memperluas dan semakin menguatkan politik keluarga Fadeli di Lamongan. Sumber daya yang dimiliki keluarga politik tersebut merupakan unsur penting dalam memaknai politik keluarga dari Garzon dan Park dan strategi klientelisme dari Aspinall dan Berenschot. Strategi klientelisme tersebut dipergunakan setelah Fadeli menjabat sebagai Bupati Kabupaten Lamongan selama 2 periode sejak tahun 2010 dan menjadikan kekuasaan tersebut untuk menggerakan strategi seperti politisasi birokrasi, program kesejahteraan, barang bersama dan dana pembangunan.

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ABSTRACT
This study discusses the development of family political phenomena in Lamongan through direct elections of regional chiefs (Pilkada) and a proportional electoral system with the most votes have provided grater opportunities for political families to obtain and increase is increasing. The focus of this research is to look at the emergence of Fadeli family who has political contestation in Lamongan with research findings that show that families can utilize formal and informal political forces through clientelism strategies, so as to expand and further strengthen Fadeli's family politics in Lamongan. The resources of the political family are an important element in interpreting the family politics of Garzon and Park and the clientelism strategy of Aspinall and Berenschot. The clientelism strategy was used after Fadeli served as Regent of Lamongan Regency for 2 periods since 2010 and made the power to move strategies such as politicization of the bureaucracy, welfare programs, club goods, and development funds.

Abstrak :
Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan praktik politik transaksional pada pemilihan kepala desa Patengteng Kabupaten Bangkalan Madura tahun 2021. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan memadukan data primer dan data sekunder diperoleh melalui literatur, pemberitaan, dan dokumentasi yang menunjang penelitian ini. Pandangan Susan C. Stokes mengenai politik transaksional dipilih sebagai upaya penulis untuk melihat lebih lanjut bentuk dan operasi politik transaksional. Didukung oleh pandangan Frederick Charles Schaffer mengenai politik transaksional untuk melihat perspektif transaksi politik dari sudut pandang kandidat dan pemilih. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pemilihan kepala desa Patengteng Kabupaten Bangkalan Madura Tahun 2021 marak terjadi politik transaksional. Baik yang dilakukan oleh kandidat petahana maupun yang dilakukan oleh kandidat non Petahana. Baik yang bentuknya adalah bantuan maupun yang bentuknya jual beli suara. Politik yang dilakukan oleh petahana merupakan bentuk politik transaksional bias partisan. Artinya kandidat akan melakukan program pembangunan hanya pada daerah konstituennya dengan memanfaatkan anggaran yang ada. Sedangkan bentuk politik transaksional yang dilakukan oleh kandidat non petahana adalah klientelism. Artinya kandidat akan memberikan materi sesuai kebutuhan pemilih yang ditukarkan dengan suara. Hal ini dibuktikan dengan cara MH. Rohim melakukan transaksi politiknya di pos-pos penting di desa Patengteng seperi masjid, madrasah, makam ulama. Sang kandidat dapat mengambil hati para pemilih dengan memberi bantuan pada rumah ibadah, pendidikan dan ulama. Selain itu dalam melakukan transaksi politiknya MH. Rohim berperan sebagai problem solver atas persoalan yang ada di masyarakat Patengteng. Masyarakat melihat distribusi bantuan tersebut sebagai penghormatan dan hadiah. ......This study aims to explain the practice of transactional politics in the 2021 election for the village head of Patengteng, Bangkalan Madura Regency. This research is qualitative research by combining primary data and secondary data obtained through literature, news, and documentation that support this research. Susan C. Stokes' view of transactional politics was chosen as the author's attempt to look further at the forms and operations of transactional politics. Supported by Frederick Charles Schaffer's views on transactional politics to see the perspective of political transactions from the perspective of candidates and voters. The results of this study indicate that the election for the head of Patengteng Village, Bangkalan Madura Regency, in 2021 is rife with transactional politics. Both those carried out by incumbent candidates and those carried out by non-incumbent candidates. Both in the form of aid and in the form of buying and selling votes. Politics carried out by incumbents is a form of partisan bias transactional politics. This means that candidates will carry out development programs only in their constituent areas by utilizing the existing budget. Meanwhile, the form of transactional politics carried out by non-incumbent candidates is clientelism. This means that the candidate will provide material according to the needs of voters in exchange for votes. This is evidenced by the way MH. Rohim carried out his political transactions at important posts in Patengteng village such as mosques, madrasas, and the graves of scholars. The candidate can win the hearts of voters by assisting houses of worship, education, and clergy. Apart from that, in carrying out his political transactions, MH. Rohim acts as a problem solver for problems in the Patengteng community. The community saw the distribution of the aid as an honor and a gift.

Abstrak :
This research aim to analyzing framing the news on the existence of political kinship in a clan a large family of Ratu Atut Chosiyah in Banten. The become the object of study is two local media. The issue in this research that review is an analysis of framing about politics a large family of Ratu Atut Chosiyah. A method of research that we use is using a qualitative approach, use of a model of framing developed Robert N Entman. Steps taken in doing framing analysis is by seeing the aspect of selection issues and the aspect of the protrusion. This research result indicates that there are two different approach the issue that carried out the print media localized in Banten provincial. Radar Banten put forward issues that do not conflict with the issue of the proposed by clan a large family of Ratu Atut Chosiyah. Issues floated more soft (smooth) and the presence of a predisposition in favor the existence of political kinship a large family of Ratu Atut Chosiyah. Meanwhile, Kabar Banten using approach on the contrary, namely through the issues opposite to political kinship a large family of Ratu Atut Chosiyah. On certain moment Radar Banten put forward asked the public to continue development, while do in Kabar Banten more invite people to commit pollical change

Abstrak :
The article focuses on the role of Indonesian of Arab descents in local politics, particularly in two provinces in Outer Islands, East Kalimantan and West Nusa Tenggara. While much have been researched on the role of Arab descents in national Politics such as studies by Hamid Algadri and Bisri Affendy, little is known about their roles in local politics. In East Kalimantan, Indonesian of Arab descents have played political roles up to the level of Vice Governor and other important positions, as far back as the Sultanates period in the 1950s. Similar important political role have also occurred in West Nusa Tenggara where Indonesian of Arab descents were the Chairman of Local Parliament (DPRD) and Assistant to the Governors, both in the1950s and 1960s. The important roles that have been played by Indonesians of Arab descents are made possible by their "local assimilation" to the local indigenous communities, both trough intermarriages; common living in the same residential areas; common Islamic beliefs and their integration into Indonesian political system after dissolution of Indonesian party of Arab descent (PAI) in the 1930s which have differentiated them from the political history of Indonesian of Chinese descent (peranakan Tionghoa).

Abstrak :
This study discusses the emergence of Islamic populism in Palembang in the 1950s. In the official narratives of Indonesian history, the political turbulence in Palembang that occurred in the mid-1950s is often associated with a regional Army commander-led rebellion. This research instead finds that Islamic groups played a crucial role in developing the preliminary conditions before the military group took the initiative to pull the trigger. Islamic groups, through their network of ulama, tried to unite all groups opposed to Jakarta’s leadership and communism to incorporate under one umbrella of political identity: Islam. We determine that the emergence of Islamic populism in Palembang was caused by multiple grievances: economic decline, redistribution of welfare to the region, the exclusion of Islamic groups, and the fear of communism. However, Islamic populism only succeeded in uniting factions in the Islamic community but failed to reach other groups because of the social cleavages from previous feuds.

Abstrak :
Meningkatnya jumlah pendeta Protestan yang merambah ke dunia politik merupakan sebab keprihatinan di Sinode Gereja Masehi Injili di Timor. Studi kualitatif ini menggunakan dalam analisis data wawancara mendalam dan observasi lapangan untuk menjelaskan mengapa dan bagaimana konflik peran pendeta-politisi terjadi. Dalam kasus di mana seorang individu dikaitkan dengan kedua peran tersebut, konflik peran akan terjadi. Ditemukan juga bahwa terjadinya konflik peran sebenarnya mencerminkan proses role exit dari peran sebagai seorang pendeta. Namun, jika proses peran keluar tidak selesai, dapat menyebabkan kerusakan terhadap aktor yang terkait dengan pendeta, yaitu jemaat gereja dan Sinode. ......The rising numbers of protestant pastors venturing into politics is a cause of concern in the Gereja Masehi Injili di Timor (GMIT) Synod. This qualitative study used in-depth interview data analysis and field observation in order to explain why and how the role conflict of pastor-politicians happened. In the case where an individual is associated with both roles, a role conflict will occur. It was also found that occurrence of role conflict actually reflects the process of role exit from the role as a pastor. However, if the process of role exit is not completed, it might cause harm towards the actors associated with a pastor, which is the congregation and the Synod.

Abstrak :
The republic of Indonesia Constitution Year of 1945 has guaranteed democratically the relation between state and civil society. State is conducted by the politicians as a result of election and sovereignty....

Abstrak :
The fall of Suharto’s authoritarian regime and the subsequent dissolution of vertical political patronage led to an upsurge of mass mobilization based on religion and/or ethnicity. In Jakarta, newly emerged vigilante groups that initially sought to represent small-scale neighborhood communities rapidly grew in size by receiving endorsements from local political authorities as well as by gaining extensive popular support. Despite their persistent association with violence and illicitness in popular discourse, some of those vigilante groups quickly increased their membership to hundreds of thousands. Highlighting the activities of the Forum Betawi Rempug (FBR), one of the biggest of these groups, this paper explains the causes, processes, and consequences of its expansion. The nature of the Betawi ethnic identity that has been constructed over decades, as well as an alternative mode of populist discourse that became prevalent in Jakarta during the last couple of decades, were the key background conditions through which such groups expanded in both size and geographic reach. These conditions also led to a loosely disciplined and highly autonomous organizational structure. An explanation of this process calls for a radical revision of the conventional model of ethnic mobilization that takes for granted disciplined organization and hierarchical control. In contemporary Jakarta, successful mass mobilization is not the sheer result of people’s response to populist calls. Attention must be paid to the logic of the mobilized in order to explain why vigilante organizations have been able to gain popular support despite their notorious reputation. This paper investigates the perspectives of the mobilized by focusing on neighborhood-level activities of the FBR. In so doing, it exemplifies how some residents perceive the FBR as a provider of potential socioeconomic resources for the enhancement of their life environment.