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"Dalam tahun-tahun terakhir, berbagai parameter tipologi telah dipakai untuk mengklasifikasikan konstruksi klausa relatif pada bahasa-bahasa di dunia, termasuk, misalnya, urutan kata dan cara-cara di mana elemen nominal (seperti pronominal resumtif) dipakai untuk menyatakan peran sintaktik/semantik dari nomina induk nasonal dalam kalimat relatif. Parameter klasifikatori seperti ini penting untuk memahami variasi Kros-linguistik pada pembentukan klausa relatif dan kendala-kendala yang ada pada variasi tersebut. Makalah ini mengkaji parameter yang terkait lebiih jauh, yakni apakah verba dapat menyatakan peran sintaktik/semantic seperti ini. Contoh-contoh yang solid dari strategi ini disajikan baik dari bahasa-bahasa Austronesia (Kambera, Tukang Besi, Nias) maupun bahasa-bahasa non-Austronesian (Turki, Lhasa Tibet, Dolakha Newari, Ute, Cuszco Quechua, Macushi, dan Apurna). Akan tetapi, sejumlah bahasa yang semula-mula tampak memiliki strategi permarkkahan verba ternyata tidaklah demikian halnya. Bahasa-bahasa ini mencerminkan interaksi dari sistem Vois yang luas dengan kendala-kendala yang kuat pada asesibilitas terhadap relativisasi. Hal ini digambarkan dengan contoh-contoh dari bahasa Austronesia seperti bahasa Indonesia, Malagasi, Tagalog, dan Seediq"

"Based on data from fieldwork in Flores, this article suggests an indigenous form of tolerance and suppleness as the model for a new form of multiculturalism in Indonesia. Many studies of nationalism have criticized the perspective that developing nation-states need 'strong nationalism. However, if we step out of this hegemonic preoccupation, we come to realize that the relevant question is not how Indonesia can keep its unity but on what conditions Indonesia can function well as a politico-economic system, keeping diverse areas incorporated in the post-modern and global contexts at present and in the future. In Flores, people have been traversing real and imagined borders since the time of the Austronesian migration and the age of Southeast Asian maritime commerce. Even after independence, Flores has had direct transnational linkage through the Catholic network and recently quite a few Catholic priests and candidates from Flores have been sent abroad. Due to the development of global capitalism, many people from mountainous areas in central Flores also go to Malaysia as low-paid labourers, and they accommodate well to the new situations. As illegal labourers, Florenese people develop social ties with the people whom they meet overseas. Even when they are arrested and forced to come home from Malaysia, they are never stigmatized in their home village. I would like to name tentatively this principle of social adaptability and political flexibility, which also orders life in Florenese villages, 'Austronesian cosmopolitanism'. I further suggest that this Austronesian principle of political flexibility could prove a useful model for the Indonesian nation-state as it struggles to adopt a new political model that prevents the escalation of retaliatory violence and allows the country to continue as a politico-economic unit"

"Based on data from fieldwork in Flores, this article suggests an indigenous form of tolerance and suppleness as the model for a new form of multiculturalism in Indonesia. Many studies of nationalism have criticized the perspective that developing nation-states need 'strong nationalism. However, if we step out of this hegemonic preoccupation, we come to realize that the relevant question is not how Indonesia can keep its unity but on what conditions Indonesia can function well as a politico-economic system, keeping diverse areas incorporated in the post-modern and global contexts at present and in the future. In Flores, people have been traversing real and imagined borders since the time of the Austronesian migration and the age of Southeast Asian maritime commerce. Even after independence, Flores has had direct transnational linkage through the Catholic network and recently quite a few Catholic priests and candidates from Flores have been sent abroad. Due to the development of global capitalism, many people from mountainous areas in central Flores also go to Malaysia as low-paid labourers, and they accommodate well to the new situations. As illegal labourers, Florenese people develop social ties with the people whom they meet overseas. Even when they are arrested and forced to come home from Malaysia, they are never stigmatized in their home village. I would like to name tentatively this principle of social adaptability and political flexibility, which also orders life in Florenese villages, 'Austronesian cosmopolitanism'. I further suggest that this Austronesian principle of political flexibility could prove a useful model for the Indonesian nation-state as it struggles to adopt a new political model that prevents the escalation of retaliatory violence and allows the country to continue as a politico-economic unit."

"In the past, linguists focused their studies on the description of the varieties of Lamaholot spoken in coastal communities. This article introduces Central Lembata Lamaholot, a Lamaholot variety spoken in the central mountains on the island of Lembata in the Indonesian province Nusa Tenggara Timur (NTT), which possesses features in the nominal and pronominal domains not found in other varieties of Lamaholot described so far. Alienable nouns in Central Lembata have morphological plural and specificity marking, and one sub-set of the alienable nouns has two alternating forms which are functionally different. Furthermore, free and bound pronouns in Central Lembata Lamaholot are intertwined with aspect and mood marking. The comparative analysis of these features of Central Lembata Lamaholot shows that they are partly retentions from an earlier stage of the language and partly internal innovations."

"This paper examines the hypothetical links between the languages of Japan and the languages of ASEAN countries and beyond. The common belief is that the Japanese languages are excluded from the ASEAN languages, but this paper attempts to hypothesize that the Ainu language of Japan belongs to the Austronesian stocks. Therefore several hypotheses are proposed to account for the possible links between the Ainu and the Japanese language and the languages of ASEAN countries and beyond. Basically there are two routes in which the languages of Japan received the influence in the early stage of developments. There is the northern route, which originates from the Altaic source and the southern route, from the Southeast Asian languages mainly the Austronesian language family. It is concluded that the languages of Japan received the influence from both the northern and southern routes plus some other countries."

"This paper examines gender agreement in three little-known languages of the Aru Islands and places them within the larger pattern of “neuter gender” in eastern Indonesia. For each language, I look first at the variety of agreement targets that are controlled by gendered nouns. Secondly, I look at the semantics of nouns that control agreement. I show that whilst having a strongly semantic base involving animacy, gender in Aru languages is a grammatical category in which many nouns denoting certain types of entities that lack discernable biological animacy are assigned to the same gender as that of animate referents. I conclude by considering the system of gender in proto-Aru."

"In South and Central Kalimantan (southern Borneo) there are some unusual linguistic features shared among languages which are adjacent but do not belong to the same genetic linguistic subgroups. These languages are predominantly Banjar Malay (a Malayic language), Ngaju (a West Barito language), and Ma’anyan (a Southeast Barito language). The same features also appear to some degree in Malagasy, a Southeast Barito language in East Africa. The shared linguistic features are the following ones: a grammaticalized form of the originally Malay noun buah ‘fruit’ expressing affectedness, nasal spreading in which N- not only nasalizes the onset of the first syllable but also a *y in the next syllable, a non-volitional marker derived from the Banjar Malay prefix combination ta-pa- (related to Indonesian tər- + pər-), and the change from Proto Malayo-Polynesian *s to h (or Malagasy Ø). These features have their origins in the various members of the language configuration outlined above and form a Sprachbund or “Linguistic Area”. The concept of Linguistic Area is weak and difficult to define. Lyle Campbell (2002) considers it little else than borrowing or diffusion and writes it off as “no more than [a] post hoc attempt [...] to impose geographical order on varied conglomerations of [...] borrowings”. While mindful of its shortcomings, the current author still uses the concept as a useful tool to distinguish betweeninherited and borrowed commonalities. In the configuration of languages currently under discussion it also provides a better understanding of the linguistic situation in South Borneo at a time prior to the Malagasy migrations to East Africa (some thirteen centuries ago)."