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Abstrak :
Penelitian menyelidiki motif sejumlah aktivis mahasiswa untuk terlibat ke dalam gerakan sosial di masa Orde Baru (1990-1996), Project atau organ gerakan sosial yang diteliti adalah PIJAR Indonesia. Organisasi ini bersifat terbuka dalam menentang rezim Orde baru, dan sebab itu banyak aktivisnya yang dipenjarakan pemerintah. Penyelidikan mengenai motif didahului oleh penyelidikan faktor-faktor perangsang politik, karakteristik pribadi, karakteristik sosial, dan pandangan informan yang membuat mereka terlebih dahulu mengenal PIJAR Indonesia. Asumsi penelitian yang diangkat ada dua. Pertama, faktor-faktor seperti rangsangan politik, karakteristik pribadi, karakteristik sosial, dan pandangan internal dan external power position mendorong sejumlah aktivis mahasiswa sekadar mengenal PIJAR Indonesia. Setelah mengenal PIJAR Indonesia, asumsi kedua penelitian adalah Experience-Emotional Motivation merupakan motif utama yang membuat sejumlah aktivis mahasiswa terlibat aktif di PIJAR Indonesia. Pendekatan penelitian yang diterapkan adalah studi kualitatif dengan jenis penelitian studi kasus. Teknik pengumpulan data terdiri atas studi dokumentasi, rekaman arsip, dan wawancara. Jenis wawancara yang diterapkan adalah wawancara open ended dan wawancara terfokus. Wawancara dilakukan atas 19 informan dengan rincian 10 informan diminta menjelaskan organisasi PIJAR dengan wawancara open ended Indonesia serta 9 informan yang dalam periode 1990-1996 berstatus mahasiswa untuk menjelaskan motif keterlibatan mahasiswa ke dalam PIJAR Indonesia dengan wawancara terfokus. Lokasi wawancara tersebar di Jakarta, Pondokgede, dan Depok. Informan terbagi dua dalam mengalami pembangkitan minat politik, pra dan pasca mahasiswa. Media yang menentukan pengenalan politik adalah surat kabar, radio, maupun pengalaman langsung. Karakter pribadi informan banyak yang mengindikasikan 'pemberontak' (rebellious). Mayoritas informan tidak memandang istimewa status mahasiswa dan mereka berasal dari keluarga kelas menengah. Di dalam kampus, informan mengalami politisasi akibat perseteruan antarkelompok. Di luar kampus, informan merasa terlibat dalam politik nasional selaku warganegara. Dari empat pendorong partisipasi politik, Karakteristik Pribadi dominan mengkondisikan munculnya motif mahasiswa terlibat ke dalam PIJAR Indonesia. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa motif keterlibatan mahasiswa ke dalam PIJAR Indonesia tidak hanya dilandasi Experience Emotional Motivation, tetapi juga Value Rational Motivation, Personal Advantage Motivation, dan Traditional Motivation.

Abstrak :
Tesis ini membahas bagaimana upaya perlawanan melalui gerakan SayaGolput dalam konteks momentum politik 2019. Penelitian ini menggunakan konseptual contentious politics dan mobilisasi collective action. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan jenis penelitian studi kasus. Pengambilan data dilakukan dengan wawancara mendalam terhadap informan kunci yaitu aktor-aktor gerakan SayaGolput. Hasil penelitian ini beberapa faktor yang mendorong kemunculan SayaGolput, pertama, demokrasi sosial dan politik belum dijalankan sepenuhnya. Kedua, Kedua, kekecewaan terhadap pendukung Jokowi terhadap keputusan diusungnya Maruf Amin menjadi cawapres. Ketiga, beberapa kalangan melihat iklim demokrasi yang sudah dijalankan bertumpu pada kepentingan borjuasi. Keempat, ketidakpercayaan terhadap pemilu dan segala bentuk hierarki. SayaGolput sebagai aliansi yang cair dan dinamis. SayaGolput gabungan aktivis lintas sektor dan ideologis. SayaGolput sebagai titik temu dan kompromi aktor-aktor gerakan yang mengalami kebuntuan dalam upayanya memajukan advokasi-advokasi yang ada. Pada temuan di lapangan ketiga elemen subjek (aktor gerakan), klaim (publik) dan objek (petahana dan elite) terjadi persinggungan yang dinamis. Subjek melihat sepuluh agenda perjuangan merupakan problem yang menjadi titik tolak gerakan. Agenda pejuangan kerakyatan ditujukan sebagai klaim untuk mempersuasi massa. Mobilisasi SayaGolput mendapatkan perlawanan dari objek, yang diinisiasi oleh kalangan petahana dan pendukungnya. Pertarungan politik (contentious politics) tergambarkan dalam pembentukan wacana terkait golput utamanya perang narasi di media sosial. Mobilisasi sumber daya yang timpang membuat kubu petahana dapat mengontrol pembentukan opini. Media sosial dikapitalisasi menjadi alat pengorganisiran dalam SayaGolput. Hal tersebut menjadi anomali pada teori gerakan sosial Charles Tilly.

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This thesis discusses how the efforts of resistance through the SayaGolput movement in the context of 2019 political momentum. This study uses conceptual contentious politics and mobilization of collective action. This study uses a qualitative approach with the type of case study research. Data collection was done by in-depth interviews with key informants namely SayaGolput movement actors. The results of this study are several factors that led to the emergence of SayaGolput, first, social and political democracy has not been fully implemented. Second, the frustration of Jokowis supporters over the decision that Maruf Amin brought to be vice president. Third, some circles see the already democratic climate centered on the interests of the bourgeoisie. Fourth, distrust of elections and all forms of hierarchy. SayaGolput as a liquid and dynamic alliance movement. SayaGolput movement is combination of cross-sector and ideological activists. SayaGolput as a meeting point and compromise of movement actors who are at a standstill in their efforts to advance existing advocacies. In the findings in the field of the three elements of the subject (movement actors), claims (public) and objects (incumbent and elite) there is a dynamic conflict. The subject sees the ten agendas of struggle as a problem that is the starting point of the movement. The peoples struggle agenda is intended as a claim to appease the masses. SayaGolput mobilization gets resistance from the object, which is initiated by the tenants and their supporters. Political fight (contentious politics) is illustrated in the formation of the discourse regarding the war abstentions main narrative in social media. Accelerated mobilization of resources makes the camp of camps able to control the formation of opinions. Social media is capitalized on as an organizing tool in SayaGolput. This is an anomaly in Charles Tillys theory of social movement.

Abstrak :
This book is a full-scale history of Irish nationalists in the United States from the brief exile of Theobald Wolfe Tone, founder of Irish republican nationalism, in Philadelphia on the eve of the 1798 Irish rebellion to the role of Bill Clintons White House in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland. Irish American nationalism is seen as an example of a larger phenomenon, sometimes called diasporic or long-distance nationalism. Into the narrative are woven a number of the analytical perspectives that have recently transformed the study of nationalism, including its imagined or invented character and its relationship to the waves of global migration from the early nineteenth century to the present (and especially the relationship of nationalist politics to the phenomenon of political exile). The book focuses also on Irish American nationalists larger social and political vision, which sometimes expanded to embrace causes such as the abolition of slavery, womens rights, or freedom for British colonial subjects in India and Africa, and at other times narrowed, avoiding or rejecting such extraneous concerns and connections. All of these themes are placed within a thoroughly transnational framework, with attention to events in Ireland, the United States, and the wider Irish diaspora.

Abstrak :
From Empire to Humanity: The American Revolution and the Origins of Humanitarianism tells the story of a generation of American and British activists who transformed humanitarianism as they adjusted to being foreigners in the wake of the American Revolution. In the decades before the Revolution, Americans and Britons shared an imperial approach to charitable activity. Growing up in the increasingly integrated British Atlantic world, future activists from the British Isles, North America, and the Caribbean developed expansive outlooks and connections. For budding doctors, this was especially true. American independence put an end their common imperial humanitarianism but not their transatlantic ties, their far-reaching visions, or their belief that philanthropy was a tool of statecraft and reconciliation. In the postwar years, with doctor-activists at the forefront, they collaborated in medical philanthropy, antislavery, prison reform, poor relief, educational charities, and more. The nature of their cooperation, however, had changed. No longer members of the same polity, the erstwhile compatriots adopted a universal approach to their beneficence as they reimagined bonds with people who were now legal strangers. The basis of renewed cooperation, universal benevolence could also be a source of tension. With the new wars at the end of the century, activists optimistic cosmopolitanism waned while their practices endured.

Abstrak :
This article aims at unifying the theory of spatial votin and the theory that is variously called conceptualization, information, or sophistication. Following Down's early insight on uncertainity as well as recent developments in both literatures, I argue that it is of critical importance that spatial voting models explicitily incorporate information effects. For this purpose, I develop a heterogeneity. This model is applied to the Taiwan Eleection and Democratization Study's 2004 post-presidential election survey data. In 2004, Taiwan's political landscape was dominantly defined by the Green vs Blue ideological cleavage, and the candidates wwere preceived as taking divergent positions. This article investigates the effects of information and activism on the spatial structure and their implications on candidates' strategies. My findings confirm the existance of these effects on voter uncertainty in the frmework of spatial analysis.