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Abstrak :
Skripsi ini akan memberikan kajian terkait dinamika politik internal pada saat Jusuf Kalla memimpin Partai Golkar. Pada periode ini, lahir dua partai politik baru yaitu Partai Hanura dan Partai Gerindra yang didirikan oleh Wiranto dan Prabowo yang mempunyai hubungan erat dengan Partai Golkar. Pada masa ini, menjadi awal dari penguasaan Partai Golkar oleh para saudagar. Di sisi lain, sebagai partai pendukung pemerintah, Partai Golkar juga mengalami penurunan perolehan suara di Pemilu 2009 dibanding Pemilu 2004. Ketiadaan mekanisme manajemen konflik yang baik membuat partai ini akan selalu dibayangi perpecahan. Partai politik lain akan kembali lahir dari Partai Golkar. Setidaknya sudah ada tiga partai besar yang lahir dari Partai Golkar, yaitu Partai Demokrat, Partai Hanura dan Partai Gerindra. ...... This thesis will provide the internal political dinamic in the time of Jusuf Kalla lead Golkar Party. In this period, two political parties (Hanura and Gerindra) were born established by Wiranto and Prabowo that had close relation with Golkar Party. We can say that in this time Golkar Party by merchants. Golkar party had decreased for election in 2009 if compared with 2004. The bad management of risk makes this party always be shadowed by divisions. Al least, three new parties had born by Golkar, they are Democtrat Party, Hanura Party, and Gerindra Party.

Abstrak :
Pasca reformasi 1998, terjadi pertambahan jumlah partai politik yang signifikan di Indonesia, diikuti juga dengan pertambahan jumlah gerakan underbow nya. Termasuk disini Kelompok Pergerakan Mahasiswa UI yang meliputi ; Kelompok Tarbiyah, Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam, dan Pergerakan Mahasiswa Islam Indonesia, yang cukup dominan. Tahun 2012, terjadi fenomena calon tunggal dalam Pemira IKM UI 2012 yang mengindikasikan terjadinya dominasi oleh salah satu kelompok dalam persaingan politik yang terjadi. Penelitian ini membahas perubahan teritorial persaingan politik antar kelompok pergerakan mahasiswa di UI yang terjadi pada Tahun 2012. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan territoality (upaya menguasai wilayah) dan teritorial yang meliputi Heartland (Wilayah jantung pergerakan) dan Rimland (Wilayah gerak pergerakan) tiap-tiap kelompok. Penelitian ini bersifat kualitatif dengan analisis isi, meaning, dan life history dari perspektif spasial. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa teritorial persaingan politik didominasi oleh kelompok yang berhasil memiliki territoality lebih besar sehingga mampu menguasai teritorial heartland dan rimland lebih luas. Territoality lebih besar dapat dicapai dengan menguasai organisasi intra kampus. Teritorial persaingan politik terkuat berada di wilayah yang heartland antar kelompoknya berada di area yang sama, hal ini terjadi di wilayah Fakultas Hukum (FH). Pemira 2012 menghasilkan fakta bahwa kemenangannya masih didominasi oleh salah satu kelompok sehingga membuat perubahan teritorial persaingan yang terjadi tergolong rendah. Hal ini berdampak terhadap dua kelompok lainnya yang mengalami stagnasi sehingga menyebabkan pola keruangan heartland-rimland mereka tidak berubah sama sekali.

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After The Reform of 1998, there was added a significant number of political parties in Indonesia, followed by the increase of its underbow movement. Included here, Group of UI Student Movement; Tarbiyah Group, The Muslim Students Association, and The Indonesian Islamic Students Movement, which is quite dominant. In 2012, there was a phenomenon of single candidates in The Student Election of UI in 2012, which indicates domination by one group in a political competition going on. This study discusses the territotial change of political competition among a group of UI students movement that occurred in 2012. By using the approach territoality (effort control of the territory) and territories that include Heartland (area of main movement) and Rimland (regional motion movement) of each group. This study use qualitative method whose content, meaning, and life history analysis with a spatial perspective. The results showed that the territorial of political competition is dominated by the groups which have a greater territoality so as to master the wider territorial heartland and rimland. Greater territoality can be achieved with master intra-campus organization. The territorial of strongest political competition is located in region whose each of group's heartland areas are in the same area, this is the case in the Faculty of Law (FH). UI Student Election 2012 resulted in the fact that the victory is still dominated by one group, it makes the territotial change of political competition is going low. This has implications for the other two groups that have stagnated, causing spatial patterns of their heartland-Rimland have not changed at all.

Abstrak :
Skripsi ini membahas mengenai peran tiga lembaga yakni PA, CCC dan RC terhadap dominasi PAP dalam pemerintahan.Hasil penelitian mengungkapkan bahwa PAP menggunakan ketiga lembaga tersebu tsebagai sarana untuk mengawasi, memobilisasi dan mengontrol masyaraka tdari tingkat atas hingga bawah. Kedekatan antara ketiga lembaga tersebut dengan partai berkuasa PAP menciptakan keraguan mengenai tujuan sebenarnya dari pendirian ketiga lembaga akar rumput tersebut. Ide mengenai pendirian ketiga organisasi akar rumput tersebut merupakan inisiatif dari pemerintahan PAP yang digunakan untuk menjaga dominasi pemerintahan dan sebagai sarana untuk menyebarluaska nhegemoni ideologi partai yang akhirnya memungkinkan PAP untuk memobilisasi dukungan politik dalam situasi kritis yang sejalan dengan pemerintahan PAP yang efektif disamping mampu memfasilitasi dan menciptakan hubungan harmonis antar ras di Singapura, yang memiliki masyarakat plural. ...... This thesis discusses about the role of the three institutions namely PA, CCC and RC toward PAP dominance in government.The results reveal that the PAP using three institutions to control, mobilize and surveilance to people from the upper to the lower sector in society. Their close association with the ruling PAP government can create doubts about their actual relevance and aims. The initiation of grassroots organisations is initiative of the PAP government to helped maintain its political dominance and to extend the party's ideological hegemony. Additionally, it enabled the PAP to mobilise political support at critical moments and indirectly project the PAP government's effectiveness and thereby facilitated and created social harmony amongst race in Singapore plural societies.

Abstrak :
The anlysis of implicatures made by the legislative candidates in the campaign billboards and banners shows that these two media are basically used for their political struggles....

Abstrak :
Politic is not a simple word. Aristotle identifies it with human togetherness. In line with this identification, Hannah Arendt suggests that politics is not a kind of dominating actions, but the way in which the human beings promote freedom of actions in the public sectur. The essence of politics, then is communication. In this line of thought, power can be understood as one' ability to act/behave with and within others / in togetherness with others on base of a given mandate.

Abstrak :
Assuming that violence can be found in many our life, this article proposes the logic of violence in the story of Job. It shows us how Job suffers in his life. His surffefing was absurd in his eyes. He didn't understand why be should suffer....

Abstrak :
This research is intended to answer the following research questions: 1) What the motivation of women in the management of a political party; 2) how the positiomn, role and contribution of women in the management of a politicl party and 3) what the weakness and excess of the women involvement in political party management. sampling included Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDIP) and Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) . This research showed that women who hold some power in the structure influence by the extend they hold position and role involved who hold some authority in management structure of PDI as well as PKS , actively involved in party activity. women contribution who hold some power in the structure influence by the extend they hold position and role. The excess of the women involvement in management were expressed in terms of in patience, accuracy, spirit and wisdom. The weakness of there involvement in management may be influence by internal and external factors.

Abstrak :
Komitmen politik dari pemimpin politik tertinggi dalam suatu negara merupakan kunci kesuksesan sekaligus kegagalan dari lembaga antikorupsi. Di era pertama kepemimpinan Presiden Joko Widodo, KPK menghadapi roller coaster agenda pemberantasan korupsi. Berbagai ancaman yang menghadirkan ketidakpastian masa depan KPK, telah dilakukan oleh kekuatan eksternal maupun internal KPK. Hal itu berdampak signifikan pada efektivitas mesin antikorupsi KPK. Artikel ini mencoba menjelaskan dan mengevaluasi kualitas dukungan pemerintahan periode pertama Presiden Joko Widodo (2014-2019) terhadap KPK dan bagaimana dampaknya terhadap kelangsungan agenda antikorupsi di Indonesia. Artikel ini menyimpulkan, target pembangunan ekonomi yang mensyaratkan adanya stabilitas sosial-politik, membuat kerja-kerja antikorupsi kurang diperhatikan secara memadai. Akibatnya, KPK digempur oleh serangan balik dari berbagai kelompok kepentingan politikbisnis. Merespon situasi itu, Presiden Joko Widodo memilih bermain aman dan tidak menunjukkan keberpihakan yang jelas kepada KPK. Di periode ini pula, belum tampak kerja sama kolektif yang mengakar dan menjadikan pemberantasan dan pencegahan korupsi sebagai agenda utama yang sistematis dan berkelanjutan.

Abstrak :
ABSTRACT
The political commitment of the highest political leader in a country is the key to the success and failure of an anti-corruption institution body. In the first era of President Joko Widodo's leadership, the KPK faced a roller coaster of the agenda of eradication corruption. Various threats that present uncertainty about the future of the KPK has been carried out by external and internal forces of the KPK. This had a significant impact on the effectiveness of the KPK anti-corruption engine. This article tries to explain and evaluate the quality of President Joko Widodo's first-period government support (2014-2019) to the KPK and how it impacts on the continuation of the anti-corruption agenda in Indonesia. This article concludes that economic development targets that require socio-political stability make anti-corruption work is less adequately addressed. As a result, the Corruption Eradication Commission was hit by a counterattack from various political-business interest groups. Responding to the situation, President Joko Widodo chose to play it safe and did not show a precise alignment on the KPK. In this period also, there was no visible cooperation that took root and made the eradication and prevention of corruption as the main agenda that was systematic and sustainable.