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"ABSTRAKInvasi Israel ke Libanon membuat Perserikatan Bangsa-bangsa membuat misiperdamaian internasional yang diberi nama UNIFIL (United Nations InterimForce in Lebanon. Untuk menyusun pasukan-pasukan dari negara-negaraanggotanya agar tergabung dalam UNIFIL, PBB melakukan seleksi terhadapnegara-negara anggotanya untuk berpartisipasi dengan cara memberian mandatmelalui Resolusi DK PBB 1701. Indonesia merupakan negara yang dimandatkanoleh PBB setelah sebelumnya pasukan UNIFIL hanya diisi oleh negara-negaraanggota NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization).Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan menekankan metodestudi kasus dari peristiwa yang terjadi di Libanon Selatan yang melibatkanIndonesia sebagai pasukan pemelihara perdamaian (peacekeeper). Adapunpraktek pemeliharaan perdamaian (peacekeeping) yang dilakukan Indonesiasesuai dengan landasan Politik Luar Negeri RI (Polugri).Penelitian ini dilakukan berdasarkan fakta historis dimana pada tahun-tahunmiliter Indonesia tergabung dalam UNIFIL telah membangun citra positifIndonesia khususnya di Libanon. Hal tersebut berdasarkan temuan-temuanmengenai banyaknya prestasi yang diperoleh Kontingen Garuda yang dibuktikandengan berbagai macam penghargaan baik oleh pemerintah Indonesia, pemerintahLibanon maupun Perserikatan Bangsa-bangsa sehingga menjadi kebangaantersendiri bagi Indonesia.Namun demikian, pemerintah Indonesia sepertinya tidak lantas berpuas diridengan prestasi yang telah dicapai oleh tentara militernya. Dengan posisi militerIndonesia yang masuk dalam lima belas besar peringkat dunia, Indonesia masihmenginginkan masuk dalam posisi sepuluh besar peringkat militer dunia sehinggauntuk mencapai tujuan itu pemerintah terus melakukan upaya pembenahandidalam tubuh militer, penambahan jumlah personil yang dilengkapi dengan skill,penambahan anggaran yang menyesuaikan serta menjalin kerja sama denganaktor-aktor peacekeeping lainnya.

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ABSTRACTIsraeli invasion to Southern Lebanon was responsed by the United Nations (UN)to make the international peace mission called UNIFIL (United Nations InterimForce in Lebanon). To prepare troops from member countries that are members ofUNIFIL, the UN undertook the selection by the UN Resolution called mandate.Indonesia is one of UN members countries which is mandated by the UN after theprevious UNIFIL troops only be filled by the member countries of NATO (NorthAtlantic Treaty Organization). A pride for Indonesia because through TentaraNasional Indonesia (TNI) in the name of nation internationally, but it is contrastwith what Indonesia’s had with alutsista is uncomplete.This study used a qualitative approach by emphasizing the study method of theectivity that occurred in South Lebanon as involving Indonesian peacekeepers.The practice of maintaining peace (peacekeeping) are conducted in accordancewith the foundation of Indonesian Politics of Foreign Affairs (Polugri), Conceptof Military Operations Other Than War (MOOTW) and defensive militarydoctrine and form of implementation of International Cooperation.This study was conducted based on the historical facts in the years in which theIndonesian military have joined the UNIFIL build a positive image of Indonesia,especially in Lebanon. It is based on the findings of the many achievements inGaruda Contingent as evidenced by the various awards by the Indonesiangovernment, the Lebanese government and the United Nations so that it becomesa moment of pride for Indonesia.However, the Indonesian government seems not necessarily satisfied with theachievements by military troops. By entering the Indonesian military position inthe world rankings fifteen, Indonesia still wanted inside the top ten world rankingmilitary so as to achieve the purpose that the government continues to makeefforts to reform the military in the body, increasing the number of personnel whoare equipped with skills, adding adjust budget and collaborate with otherpeacekeeping actors."

"The UNPKO has an important role in dealing with conflict resolution in many part of the world and bring the security back to normal. In this regards, the constitutional basis of the UNPKO can be seen in Chapter Six and Seven of the UN Charter. A a country which embraces value of liberty and in order to creat orderliness and worldpeace, Indonesia has been actively involved in the UNPKO since 1957. Based on this, it can be argued that Indonesia's role in the UNPKO is relevant with the constitution of the republic."

"The dynamics of the post cold war era has triggered changes in the pattern of war, from interstate into interstate conflicts which are increasingly complex and multi-dimensional. It is required for the UN to be involved in international peace operations. These conditions pose challenges for the UN and international community. Those challenges are environmental, political capacity, and the overarching challenges; which are all challenges for future peace operations. Indonesia as one of the permanent member of Troops Contributing Countries for the UN is required to perform anticipatory measures in order to face such challenges. Therefore the role of PMPP TNI, as the executor in field. This study discusses about PMPP TNI's response to anticipate future challenges of the UN through managing its component capabilities. The research method is a qualitative with analytical descriptive. PMPP TNI response requires synergy and right strategy both in operational and strategic level to achieve TNI readiness for the future peacekeeping operation"

"Operasi pemeliharaan perdamaian (peacekeeping operation) atau PKO oleh Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa lahir pada 1948 dengan nama United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO) di Timur Tengah untuk mengawasi kesepakatan gencatan senjata antara Israel dan negara-negara Arab. Sejak saat itu, misi pemeliharaan perdamaian terus berkembang dari bentukan/model tradisional menjadi lebih kokoh dan multidimensional seperti sekarang. Dunia akademik kemudian menaruh perhatian pada efektivitas operasi pemeliharaan perdamaian sebagai instrumen manajemen konflik internasional. Terdapat sejumlah literatur akademik yang mengkritisi apakah mandat tersebut benar-benar memiliki dampak atau kontribusi positif dalam melindungi warga sipil, mencegah konflik berulang, menegakkan hak asasi manusia, dan tanggung jawab lain yang ditugaskan pada operasi tersebut. Kajian literatur ini berusaha memetakan ragam argumen/pendapat dari berbagai kelompok pemikiran yang mengkritisi efektivitas PKO melalui metode taksonomi dengan mengklasifikasikan perdebatan argumen ke dalam tiga kategori: (1) standar efektivitas PKO; (2) syarat keberhasilan PKO; dan (3) penyebab keberhasilan PKO dalam perspektif Hubungan Internasional. Masing-masing komponen dari tiga kategori besar tersebut merefleksikan karakter yang berbeda dikelompokkan ke tiga tingkat pemahaman: teoretis, politis, dan praktis/operasional. Berdasarkan sejumlah literatur yang sudah dikaji, tulisan ini menemukan bahwa sewajarnya PKO dapat diklaim efektif/berhasil di standar-standar tertentu, tetapi gagal di standar lainnya. Untuk memenuhi keberhasilan di satu standar, PKO dapat melanggar atau mengabaikan standar lain, dan hal ini berpengaruh pada strategi/faktor penyebab keberhasilan yang dipilih untuk memenuhi standar yang diprioritaskan. Kritik yang mengasumsikan PKO sebagai instrumen yang efektif atau tidak efektif menurut tulisan ini kurang tepat mengingat beragam standar yang disematkan pada misi tersebut.

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United Nations Peacekeeping Operation (PKO) began in 1948 under the title of the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO) in the Middle East to monitor the armistice agreement between Israel and Arab countries. Since then, the peacekeeping mission has continued to transform from the traditional model to be more robust and multidimensional, in its approach, as it continues to be. In the academic domain, major attention has been given to the effectiveness of peacekeeping operation as international conflict management instrument. There is a large number of academic literatures that criticize whether the mandate, in all conscience, has a positive effect or contribution in protecting civilians, preventing conflicts, promoting human rights, and other responsibilities assigned to the operation. This study seeks to map a variety of arguments/opinions from diverse group of perspectives that criticize the effectiveness of peacekeeping operation using taxonomy by classifying those arguments into three categories: (1) standards of peacekeeping effectiveness; (2) requirements for peacekeeping success; and (3) success factors of peacekeeping through the lenses of IR perspectives. Each component of the three major categories reflects different characteristic and is grouped into three levels of understanding: theoretical, political, and practical/operational. Based on the literatures that have been carefully reviewed, this paper finds that it is fair to claim peacekeeping operation to be effective at certain standards, but ineffective at the others. To successfully complete one standard, peacekeeping could violate or ignore other standards, and consequently affecting the strategy or success factors chosen to meet the priority standards. The binary assumptions evaluating peacekeeping as simply effective or ineffective, according to this paper, is improper considering the variety of standards attached to the mission."

"The Balkan conflict which shocked the international community during the 1990's has now marked history as one of the greatest humanitarian tragedies during of that decade. The basic principle of self-determination by the republic states within the Yugoslav Federation was responded with armed conflict by the ruling Serbs. Bosnia Herzegovina as one of the many republic states that attempted to separate itself from the Yugoslav Federation, faced direct military aggression from the Serbian-controlled Yugoslavian National Army (JNA), desperately trying to maintain integrity of the disintegrating Yugoslavian Federation.This military aggression instigated ethnic conflict within the territories of Bosnia Herzegovina into the following opposite ethic factions: Bosnian Serbs, Bosnian Croats and Bosnian Muslims. The escalating conflict gained the attention of the international community, which opted to mediate a peaceful solution for the conflicting parties. The European Community, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and Western European Union (WEU) were the key regional organizations in Europe that supported the United Nations (UN) effort of peacekeeping operations in the Bosnian conflict area.History has recorded the UN peacekeeping operations in Bosnia as a continued polemic in regard to its effectiveness and implementation. The internal bureaucracy of the United Nations, specifically the UN Security Council and its mandates has shown ambiguities affecting the overall outcome of the peacekeeping operations.This thesis attempts a qualitative study to further analyze the dynamics within the United Nations, and its effectiveness in implementing peacekeeping operation efforts during the Balkan crisis in Bosnia."

"Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisa female peacekeepers dan keterlibatan negara-negara Uni Eropa dan agenda misi perdamaian dunia dalam prespektif kemanan dan politik. Resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB (UNSCR) 1325 tentang Perempuan, Perdamaian dan Keamanan (WPS) yang minim kontribusi. Tujuan dari agenda WPS salah satunya adalah memperhatikan keterwakilan female peacekeepers dalam perdamaian dan keamanan, termasuk dalam operasi perdamaian multilateral Penelitian ini menggunakan metode pendekatan kualitatif dengan sumber data skunder yang diambil dari referensi dan literatur yang berhubungan dengan konsep peacekeeping force dengan Teori collective security. Berdasarkan data yang didapat melihat lima negara zero contribution pada female peacekeepers menandakan bahwa apa yang dimandatkan belum dapat terlaksana, dengan melihat faktor-faktor yang salah satunya kontribusi peacekeeping force 5 negara terendah tersebut juga minim dalam kontribusi pengiriman peacekeeping force hasil dari penelitian ini ditemukan bahwa negara-negara anggota Uni Eropa di dalam negerinya masih memerlukan pembentukan dan juga belum tercapainya pemenuhan pasukan dalam negeri, sehingga baik Polisi, Militer maupun Sipil tidak dapat sepenuhnya ikut dikirimkan dalam misi PBB sendiri.

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The purpose of this study is to analyze the female peacekeepers and the involvement of EU countries and the agenda of world peace missions in a security and political perspective. UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on Women, Peace and Security (WPS) is of little contribution. One of the objectives of the WPS agenda is to pay attention to the representation of female peacekeepers in peace and security, including in multilateral peace operations This research uses a qualitative approach method with skunder data sources taken from references and literature related to the concept of peacekeeping force with the theory of collective security . Based on the data obtained, looking at the five zero contribution countries in female peacekeepers indicates that what is mandated has not been able to be carried out, by looking at factors, one of which is the contribution of the peacekeeping force of the 5 lowest countries is also minimal in the contribution of peacekeeping force delivery The results of this study found that the european union member states in their country still need the formation and also have not achieved the fulfillment of domestic forces, so that neither the Police, Military nor Civilian can fully participate in the UN mission itself."

"The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is a country with the most prolonged rebel conflict of the 21st century. This thesis analyses the causes of the UN's difficulties in finding a solution to the crisis of rebel groups that threaten security in the DRC, particularly in its eastern part. Most of the existing work on the subject under study states that peacekeeping missions' failure in the DRC is due to various factors such as mandate, strength, complexity of violence, etc. However, existing studies have not analysed the work of MONUSCO as a regime and why this regime is ineffective. In approaching the theory of the international regime, this study uses the internal and external factors of the regime to analyses the causes of this ineffective peacekeeping mission in the DRC. The research applies qualitative methods with primary and secondary data obtained from official MONUSCO documents, books, journals, and online news. This study shows that the rebel crisis in the DRC is due to various internal problems. In addition, MONUSCO principles and rules are ineffective in eradicating the rebel groups, which cause insecurity, deterring peace in the DRC.

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Republik Demokratik Kongo (D.R.C.) adalah negara dengan konflik pemberontakan terpanjang pada abad ke-21. Artikel ini menganalisis penyebab kesulitan Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (P.B.B.) dalam mencari solusi atas krisis kelompok pemberontak yang mengancam keamanan di D.R.C., khususnya yang terjadi di wilayah bagian timur. Sebagian besar tulisan yang sudah ada mengenai subjek yang diteliti menyatakan bahwa kegagalan misi penjaga perdamaian di D.R.C. disebabkan oleh berbagai faktor seperti mandat, kekuatan, kompleksitas kekerasan, dan lain-lain. Namun, penelitian-penelitian terdahulu belum pernah menganalisis Misi Stabilisasi P.B.B. di D.R.C. (MONUSCO) sebagai rezim dan mengapa rezim ini tidak efektif. Dengan pendekatan teori rezim internasional, artikel ini menggunakan faktor internal dan eksternal rezim untuk menganalisis penyebab tidak efektifnya misi pemeliharaan perdamaian di D.R.C. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan data primer dan data sekunder yang diperoleh dari dokumen resmi MONUSCO, buku, jurnal, dan berita online. Studi yang dilakukan menunjukkan bahwa krisis pemberontak di DRC disebabkan oleh berbagai masalah internal dan bahwa prinsip dan aturan MONUSCO tidak efektif dalam memberantas kelompok pemberontak sehingga menyebabkan ketidakamanan yang menghalangi perdamaian di DRC."

"Summary "Do States, through their military forces, have legal obligations under human rights treaties towards the local civilian population during UN-mandated peace operations? It is frequently claimed that it is unrealistic to require compliance with human rights treaties in peace operations and this has led to an unwillingness to hold States accountable for human rights violations. In this book, Kjetil Larsen criticises this position by addressing the arguments against the applicability of human rights treaties and demonstrating that compliance with the treaties is unrealistic only if one takes an 'all or nothing' approach to them. He outlines a coherent and more flexible approach which distinguishes clearly between positive and negative obligations and makes treaty compliance more realistic. His proposals for the application of human rights treaties would also strengthen the legal framework for human rights protection in peace operations without posing any unrealistic obligations on the military forces"-- Provided by publisher.Contents Machine generated contents note: 1. Introduction and overview; 2. The emerging relevance of human rights law in UN-mandated peace operations; 3. The other side of the coin: the alleged inappropriateness of applying human rights treaties in UN-mandated peace operations; 4. The argument of non-applicability ratione personae; 5. The argument of non-applicability ratione loci; 6. The applicability of human rights law during armed conflicts; 7. Derogations; 8. Norm conflicts between UN Security Council mandates and human rights treaties; 9. Legal challenges relating to the interrelationship between troop contributing states; 10. Selected issues relating to the application of substantive provisions; 11. Conclusions."

"Indonesia merupakan negara yang cukup lambat dalam merespons seruan PBB untuk meningkatkan keterlibatan perempuan dalam seluruh proses perdamaian, termasuk dalam operasi pemeliharaan perdamaian. Indonesia membutuhkan waktu tujuh tahun untuk merespons seruan tersebut dengan melakukan pengiriman penjaga perdamaian perempuan. Hambatan-hambatan yang dihadapi di tingkat nasional juga membuat pengiriman personel perempuan tersebut hanya dapat dilakukan dalam jumlah yang relatif minim. Kendati demikian, pengiriman penjaga perdamaian perempuan Indonesia mengalami lonjakan peningkatan pada tahun 2015-2021. Lonjakan pengiriman yang terjadi pada tahun 2019 bahkan berhasil membuat Indonesia menduduki peringkat delapan besar negara pengirim penjaga perdamaian perempuan terbanyak di dunia. Menanggapi fenomena tersebut, penelitian ini mempertanyakan mengapa Indonesia meningkatkan pengiriman penjaga perdamaian perempuannya pada tahun 2015-2021. Untuk menjawab pertanyaan tersebut, penelitian ini menggunakan kerangka analisis kebijakan luar negeri yang turut berusaha mengidentifikasi hubungan antara konsepsi peran nasional dengan kebijakan peningkatan yang diambil. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa kebijakan peningkatan pengiriman penjaga perdamaian perempuan tersebut merupakan wujud performa peran dari konsepsi peran nasional yang ditampilkan secara dominan oleh Indonesia, yakni konsepsi peran penjaga perdamaian. Kendati demikian, penelitian ini juga menemukan sejumlah konteks lain yang turut berkontribusi dalam mewujudkan peningkatan ini, yaitu komitmen peningkatan pengiriman penjaga perdamaian perempuan yang disampaikan dalam kampanye dan keanggotaan Indonesia di DK PBB, adanya kepentingan birokratik dan dukungan dari aktor-aktor perumus kebijakan pengiriman pasukan Indonesia, dan kehadiran Menteri Luar Negeri yang mampu memberikan dukungan politik yang dibutuhkan untuk merealisasikan kebijakan ini.

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Indonesia has demonstrated a relatively reluctant response to UN calls in increasing the involvement of women in peacekeeping operations. It took seven years for the country to finally send a number of female peacekeepers as a response to the call. Obstacles found at the nation’s deployment mechanism also prevent the country from sending a great number of female peacekeepers. However, a relatively huge increase in the deployment of Indonesian female peacekeepers was apparent in the year 2015 to 2021. The rising number of female peacekeepers deployed in 2019 has even managed to turn Indonesia as the world’s eight largest female troops/police contributing countries (T/PCCs). Therefore, this study inquires why Indonesia has increased the deployment of its female peacekeepers in 2015 to 2021. To answer this question, this study employs an analytical framework of Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) which also seeks to trace the relationship between national role conception and the adopted foreign policy. This study finds that the policy of increasing Indonesian female peacekeepers deployment is a form of role performance enacted to Indonesia’s dominant role conception as a defender of peace. However, this research also finds a number of other relevant contexts that have contributed to realizing this policy, namely the commitment to increase Indonesian female peacekeepers deployment as a campaign material and contribution during Indonesia’s non-permanent membership in the UN Security Council, the existence of bureaucratic interests and support from Indonesian troops deployment policy makers, and the presence of a Minister of Foreign Affairs who is able to provide the necessary political support to realize this policy."