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"Tesis ini memodifikasi penelitian Fraser, Zhang, dan Derashid (2006) yang berjudul ?Capital Structure and Political Patronage: the Case of Malaysia.? Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui apakah adanya politik patronase di dalam struktur dewan perusahaan dapat meningkatkan kemampuan perusahaan untuk berhutang lebih. Penelitian ini mendeteksi adanya politik patronase di dalam perusahaan dengan adanya hubungan mantan menteri, mantan staf ahli kementerian, purnawirawan (baik TNI maupun Polri), relasi pejabat, dan/atau relasi bisnis di dalam struktur dewan perusahaan. Secara mengejutkan, adanya politik patronase pada Dewan Komisaris perusahaan akan mengurangi leverage perusahaan walaupun pada Dewan Direksi akan semakin meningkatkan leverage. Struktur kepemilikan, praktik tata kelola perusahaan, ukuran perusahaan, aset tetap, tingkat profitabilitas, dan kesempatan investasi memiliki pengaruh signifikan pula terhadap keputusan struktur modal perusahaan yang memiliki informasi patron. Selain itu, ditemukan juga bahwa majority shareholders atau komisaris sebagai political executive akan meningkatkan kemampuan perusahaan untuk berhutang lebih.

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This thesis is modifying research done by Fraser, Zhang, and Derashid (2006) named ?Capital Structure and Political Patronage: the Case of Malaysia.? This research aims to find out whether the presence of political patronage in the board could enhance the firm?s ability to carry more debt in its capital structure. The political patronage is detected by the presence of ties between the former ministers, the former ministry expert staff, the former high-rank military/police officers, the family of officials, and/or the business relation in the board. Surprisingly, the presence of political patronage on the board of commissioners may reduce debt despite the presence of it on the board of directors may increase the debt. Ownership structure, good corporate governance, firm size, fixed asset, profitability, and investment opportunities had significant impacts to decisionmaking process related with the capital structure of companies that had those patrons. In addition, the result also shows that majority shareholders or commissioners as a political executive will enhance the firm?s ability to carry more debt in its capital structure."

"ABSTRACTFisheries based livelihoods in the Berau Delta are diverse. The everyday life of small-scale fishers shows that gear diversification, changing fishing gear over a lifetime and practical knowledge to access good fishing grounds in the rich coastal waters are the main livelihood strategies developed by fishers. Fishing practices in the coastal frontier of Berau are influenced by the Bugis habitus of patronage networks between the punggawa and the dependent fishers. An essential element in decision making of fishers is their embeddedness in political-economic patronage networks as the result of the values, interests and knowledge contestations. Livelihood trajectories of different fishers from various classes confirm that as social actors, whether rich or poor, they have the agency to search for better livelihoods."

"Tidak semua duta besar yang diangkat oleh suatu negara merupakan seorang diplomat karier. Di Indonesia, pengangkatan duta besar dari kalangan diplomat non-karier kerap hadir dari masa ke masa. Meskipun agenda reformasi telah menghadirkan kriteria duta besar dengan landasan hukum yang jelas, di era Presiden Joko Widodo, tetap terdapat peningkatan persentase duta besar Republik Indonesia yang merupakan diplomat non-karier daripada pemerintahan sebelumnya. Selain itu, Presiden Joko Widodo mengangkat orang-orang yang pengalamannya tidak relevan dengan diplomasi secara umum maupun diplomasi ekonomi secara khusus sebagai fokus yang ia tekankan. Fenomena-fenomena tersebut memunculkan pertanyaan tentang pola pengangkatan duta besar Republik Indonesia di era Presiden Joko Widodo. Penelitian kuantitatif ini memanfaatkan teori patronase untuk menjawab pertanyaan tersebut. Penelitian menggunakan data 170 pengangkatan duta besar di era Presiden Joko Widodo dari tahun 2014 hingga 2024. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa patronase dalam bentuk duta besar Republik Indonesia dengan latar belakang bisnis lebih mungkin ditempatkan di negara yang derajat hubungannya lebih tinggi dengan Indonesia dan lebih strategis secara ekonomi bagi Indonesia. Penelitian juga menemukan bahwa duta besar Republik Indonesia dari TNI dan Polri lebih mungkin ditempatkan di negara yang lebih tidak damai. Pola pengangkatan ini tampak paralel dengan visi diplomasi ekonomi, tetapi tidak dapat dikatakan menguntungkan kepentingan nasional semata mengingat pertimbangan politik domestik Presiden Joko Widodo dalam mengangkat pebisnis. Alhasil, sesuai dengan pemahaman bahwa Presiden merupakan aktor sentral dalam kebijakan luar negeri, pola pengangkatan ini juga mencerminkan sentralitas peran Presiden yang determinan sekaligus keterbatasan peran birokratik Kementerian Luar Negeri (Kemlu) Republik Indonesia dalam pengangkatan duta besar. Kemlu menjadi tempat bagi Presiden Joko Widodo untuk menyisipkan kepentingan politiknya. Dengan demikian, selama masa pemerintahannya, Presiden Joko Widodo melakukan patronase melalui pengangkatan duta besar Republik Indonesia.

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Not all ambassadors appointed by a state are career diplomats. In Indonesia, ambassadorial appointments from non-career diplomats often exist from time to time. While the reformasi agenda has given a clear legal basis of ambassadorial criteria, in the era of President Joko Widodo, there is still an increase from the previous government in the percentage of ambassadors who are non-career diplomats. Moreover, President Joko Widodo appointed ambassadors with no relevant experience in diplomacy in general and economic diplomacy in particular as the focus that he emphasized. These phenomena raise the question of the pattern of ambassadorial appointment in the era of President Joko Widodo. This quantitative research utilizes the patronage theory to answer that question. This study uses the data of 170 ambassadorial appointments in the era of President Joko Widodo from 2014 to 2024. The result of this study showed that patronage in the form of ambassadors with a business background are more likely to receive appointments to countries with higher degree of relations with Indonesia as well as countries economically more strategic for Indonesia. This study also found that ambassadors from TNI and Polri are more likely to be appointed to less peaceful countries. While this pattern appears parallel to the economic diplomacy vision, it cannot be said that it is solely for the benefit of Indonesia’s national interest, bearing the President’s domestic politics considerations in appointing businessmen. Therefore, in accordance with the understanding that the President is a central actor in foreign policy, this pattern also reflects the centrality of the President’s determinant role and the limited bureaucratic role of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) of the Republic of Indonesia. MoFA becomes an arena for President Joko Widodo to insert his political interests. Thus, during his reign, President Joko Widodo carried out patronage through the appointment of ambassadors of Indonesia."