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Abstrak :
Penelitian ini ingin menganalisis kekalahan Ratu Ati Marliati pada pilkada Cilegon dan kemenangan Ratu Tatu Chasanah pada pilkada Kabupaten Serang. Padahal kedua petahana dari dua dinasti politik di Kota Cilegon dan Kabupaten Serang memiliki beberapa kesamaan, baik latar belakang keluarga maupun dukungan politik. Hal ini terjadi karena beberapa faktor yang menyebabkan mereka berbeda nasib dalam pilkada serentak pada 2020 di kedua wilayah ini. Penelitian menggunakan teori boundary control Gibson (2012), dan dilengkapi dengan analisis strategi informal dan ilegal dari Buehler (2018) dan permainan tertutup (closed game) dari Behrend. Menggunakan metode kualitatif, penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa faktor kekalahan Ratu Ati disebabkan kegagalan dalam menerapkan strategi boundary strengthening, yang kemudian diiringi dengan keberhasilan oposisi menerapkan strategi boundary opening. Faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan kekalahan itu adalah ketiadaan aktor utama, konflik kepentingan elit partai, kontrol politik yang lemah, mesin politik tidak bekerja optimal, tidak ada akses terhadap elit partai di pusat, dan banyaknya kompetitor. Sedangkan faktor kemenangan Tatu Chasanah karena dia berhasil menerapkan boundary strengthening. Hal ini tampak dari besarnya dukungan partai politik, memobilisasi dukungan baik dari birokrasi maupun dari kelompok-kelompok masyarakat, sehingga mampu mengubah arena permainan menjadi tidak kompetitif. Hal ini memperkuat teori dari Gibson mengenai strategi boundary strengthening dan strategi boundary opening di Kota Cilegon dan Kabupaten Serang ......This study wants to analyze the defeat of Ratu Ati Marliati in the regional elections in Cilegon and the win of Ratu Tatu Chasanah in the regional elections of the Serang Regency. Even though the two incumbents from these two political dynasties have several things in common, both from family backgrounds and political support. This happened due to several factors that caused them to have different fates in the simultaneous local elections in 2020 in these two regions. The research uses Gibson's boundary control theory (2012) and is complemented by an analysis of informal and illegal strategies from Buehler (2018) and closed games from Behrend. Using a qualitative method, this research shows that Ratu Ati's defeat was caused by the failure to apply the boundary-strengthening strategy, which was followed by the success of the opposition in implementing the boundary-opening strategy. The factors that led to the defeat were the absence of the main actors, the conflict of interests of the party elites, weak political control, the political machine did not work optimally, there was no access to party elites at the center, and there were many competitors. Besides, Tatu Chasanah's winning factor because she succeeded in implementing boundary strengthening. This can be seen from the huge support of political parties, mobilizing support from both the bureaucracy and community groups, to turn the playing field into an uncompetitive one. This strengthens Gibson's theory regarding the boundary strengthening strategy and the boundary opening strategy in Cilegon City and Serang Regency

Abstrak :
Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh perkembangan kemunculan peran elite lokal dalam perpolitikan sebagai konsekuensi diberlakukannya sistem desentralisasi yang memberikan hak kepada daerah-daerah untuk mengelola daerah secara mandiri, termasuk dalam penyelenggaraan Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada). Karenanya, penelitian ini dilakukan untuk mengetahui eksistensi dan signifikansi peran para elite lokal dalam masyarakat, dalam hal ini yaitu peran kiai, belater, dan juragan di Kabupaten Pamekasan. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah Teori Status dan Peran (Linton, 1936), Teori Local Strongmen/Local Bossism (Migdal, 1988; Sidel, 2005), dan Teori Patron-Klien (Scott, 1972). Metode penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dan teknik analisis data deskriptif-analitis. Dalam proses pengumpulan data menggunakan dua metode, yaitu studi literatur dan wawancara mendalam kepada para narasumber yang terlibat langsung maupun tidak langsung dalam proses pemenangan Baddrut Tamam pada Pilkada Pamekasan 2018. Temuan penelitian ini menguatkan penelitian terdahulu tentang keberadaan orang-orang kuat lokal seperti kiai, belater, dan juragan terkait perannya dalam masyarakat, utamanya dalam perpolitikan tingkat lokal. Mereka memiliki kelebihan dan cara-cara tersendiri dalam memengaruhi masyarakat untuk mengikuti keinginannya. Keterlibatan mereka dalam Pilkada Pamekasan 2018 dipengaruhi oleh faktor agama, eksistensi, dan ekonomi. Bentuk peran mereka dilakukan secara langsung maupun tidak langsung dengan memanfaatkan kekuatan relasi, ekonomi, bahkan dengan cara koersif. Implikasi teoritis dalam penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa peran kiai, belater, dan juragan memperkuat teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini. Teori Status dan Peran menunjukkan bahwa peran kiai, belater, dan juragan dalam perpolitikan merupakan dampak dari status yang dimilikinya. Dalam teori ini terdapat hubungan yang berkelindan antara individu pemilik peran dan masyarakat. Teori Local Strongmen/Bossism menjelaskan bahwa kiai, belater, dan juragan berperan dalam berbagai jenis kepentingan dalam hidup masyarakat, utamanya dalam kepentingan politik. Teori Patron-Klien menguatkan pola relasi antara kiai, belater, dan juragan dengan masyarakat. ......This research is motivated by the development of the emergence of the role of local elites in politics as a consequence of the enactment of a decentralization system which gives rights to regions to manage their regions independently, including in the holding of Regional Head Elections (Pilkada). Therefore, this research was conducted to determine the existence and significance of the role of local elites in society, in this case, namely the role of kiai, belater, and juragan in Pamekasan Regency. The theories used in this research are Status and Role Theory (Linton, 1936), Local Strongmen/Local Bossism Theory (Migdal, 1988; Sidel, 2005), and Patron-Client Theory (Scott, 1972). This research method uses a qualitative approach and descriptive-analytical data analysis techniques. In the process of collecting data using two methods, namely literature study and in-depth interviews with informants who were directly or indirectly involved in the process of winning Baddrut Tamam in the 2018 Pamekasan Pilkada. The findings of this study corroborate previous research on the existence of local strongmen such as kiai, belater, and juragan regarding their role in society, especially in local-level politics. They have their own advantages and ways of influencing people to follow their wishes. Their involvement in the 2018 Pamekasan Pilkada was influenced by religious, existential, and economic factors. The form of their role is carried out directly or indirectly by utilizing the strength of relations, the economy, even in a coercive way. The theoretical implications of this research show that the roles of kiai, belater, and juragan strengthen the theory used in this research. Status and role theory shows that the role of kiai, belater, and juragan in politics is the impact of their status. In this theory there is an intertwined relationship between the individual owner of the role and society. The Local Strongmen/Bossism theory explains that kiai, belater, and juragan play various types of interests in society, especially in political interests. The Patron-Client theory strengthens the pattern of relations between kiai, belater, and juragan to the community.

Abstrak :
Partai Golkar merupakan partai politik dengan basis pendukung terbesar di Indramayu. Hal tersebut tercermin dari jumlah dewan Partai Golkar yang mendominasi dalam DPRD Indramayu selama berturut-turut periode kepengurusan. Sama seperti empat periode sebelumnya, Partai Golkar kembali mengusung kandidat cabup dan cawabup tanpa berkoalisi pada Pilkada Indramayu 2020, yakni Daniel Mutaqien Syafiuddin dan Taufik Hidayat. Sejak pertama kali pilkada dilaksanakan di Indramayu, kandidat usungan Partai Golkar selalu berhasil memenangkannya dengan mendulang suara mayoritas penduduk. Akan tetapi, pada Pilkada Indramayu 2020, Partai Golkar kalah memenangkan kompetisi. Skripsi ini meneliti tentang bagaimana faksionalisme yang terjadi dalam DPD Partai Golkar Indramayu berpengaruh terhadap kegagalan Daniel-Taufik dalam Pilkada Indramayu 2020. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mengetahui bagaimana faksionalisasi internal menyumbang faktor kegagalan memenangkan Partai Golkar pada Pilkada Indramayu 2020 yang merupakan wilayah basis pendukungnya. Fenomena ini dikaji menggunakan kerangka teori faksionalisme dari Boucek. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan teknik wawancara mendalam. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa faksionalisme degeneratif yang terjadi dalam DPD Partai Golkar Indramayu membawa dampak-dampak negatif seperti kemunduran partai, disintegrasi partai, dan melemahnya legitimasi partai yang pada akhirnya berimplikasi pada kekalahan Daniel-Taufik sebagai kandidat usungan Partai Golkar dalam Pilkada Indramayu 2020. Kata Kunci: Pilkada, Faksionalisme, Partai Golkar, Indramayu ......The Golkar Party is the party with the largest supporters in Indramayu. That is reflected with its domination in the number of Golkar Party boards that dominate the Indramayu legislature. Just like the previous four periods, the Golkar Party has again brought up  candidates without forming a coalition in the Indramayu Local Leaders Election 2020, namely Daniel Mutaqien Syafiuddin and Taufik Hidayat. Since the first Local Leaders Election was held in Indramayu, the Golkar Party candidates have always managed to win the competition by gaining the majority of the population's votes. However, in the Indramayu Local Leaders Election 2020, Golkar Party lost the competition. This study attempts to answer the problem of How did the factionalism in the Regional Leadership Council of the Golkar Party in Indramayu affect the failure of Daniel-Taufik in the Indramayu Local Leaders Election 2020. The purpose of this study is to find out how internal factionalization contributed to the failure of the Golkar Party in the Indramayu Local Leaders Election 2020 which is the area of its support base. This study case is analysed using the theoretical framework of Boucek's factionalism. This study uses qualitative research methods with in-depth interview techniques. This study results show that the degenerative factionalism occurred in the Regional Leadership Council of the Golkar Party in Indramayu brought negative impacts such as party decline, party disintegration, and weakening of party legitimacy which ultimately had implications for Daniel-Taufik's defeat as the candidate for the Golkar Party in the Indramayu Local Leaders Election 2020. Key Words: Local Leaders Election, Factionalism, Golkar Party, Indramayu

Abstrak :
This thesis discusses the Spatial Analysis of the 2020 Depok City Regional Head Election. The source of the data was taken from the results of the 2020 Depok City Regional Head Election in the form of the number 2 contestant vote, population demographic data in the same year. This research uses quantitative methods with GeoDa applications. The purpose of this study analyzes the spatial distribution in each village, demographic factors and voter behavior and to determine the spatial influence on each contestant. The results of this study showed that contestant number 2 only had 30 village bases, but won absolutely in 53 villages. The factor of novice voters and voters with high school education level and above, affects the victory of contestant number 2. Other factors that influence victory are the quality of voters and the contestant's capabilities, the candidate's vision and mission, work program, government experience, contestant's level of education. Further research can be deepened by testing other demographic variables such as gender, socioeconomics, characteristics of commuter workers, both qualitatively and quantitatively. ......This thesis discusses the Spatial Analysis of the 2020 Depok City Regional Head Election. Data sources are taken from the results of the 2020 Depok City Regional Head Election in the form of the vote acquisition of contestant number 2, population demographic data in the same year. This research uses quantitative methods with the GeoDa application. The purpose of this research is to analyze the spatial distribution in each village, demographic factors and voter behavior and to determine the spatial influence on each contestant. The results of this study show that contestant number 2 only has 30 base villages, but won absolutely in 53 villages. The factor of novice voters and voters with a high school education level and above, influenced the victory of contestant number 2. The other factors that influence victory are the quality of voters and contestant capabilities, candidates' vision and mission, work programs, government experience, and contestant education levels. Further research can be deepened by testing other demographic variables such as gender, socio-economic, characteristics of commuter workers, both qualitatively and quantitatively.

Abstrak :
Penelitian ini membahas hubungan antara aktivisme politik pemilih muda terhadap perilaku memilih mahasiswa Universitas Indonesia pada Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Kota Depok tahun 2020. Hal ini dilatarbelakangi dari tingginya angka pemilih yang tidak menggunakan hak pilihnya (non-voting) pada Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Kota Depok tahun 2020. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui signifikansi hubungan antara tingkat aktivisme politik pemilih muda terhadap tingkat perilaku memilih mahasiswa Universitas Indonesia. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori aktivisme politik pemilih muda oleh Dana R. Fisher yang kemudian diuji dengan perilaku memilih yang terbagi menjadi perilaku voting dan perilaku non-voting. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kuantitatif dengan analisis uji statistik Chi-square. Hasil dari temuan ini memperlihatkan bahwa dalam uji statistik Chi-square terdapat hubungan antara aktivisme politik pemilih muda terhadap perilaku memilih dengan nilai chi-square 5,739 dan nilai signifikansi 0,017 bernilai kurang dari α (0,05). Namun, temuan lain dalam penelitian ini menemukan bahwa dari setiap empat subvariabel yang membentuk variabel aktivisme politik pemilih muda tidak terdapat hubungan yang signifikan. Temuan dalam penelitian ini pada akhirnya sesuai dengan argumen peneliti yakni terdapat hubungan antara aktivisme politik pemilih muda terhadap perilaku memilih pada Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Kota Depok tahun 2020 ......This study discusses the relationship between the political activism of young voters on the voting behavior of Universitas Indonesia students in the 2020 Depok City Regional Head Election. This is motivated by the high number of voters who do not exercise their right to vote (non-voting) in the 2020 Depok City Regional Head Election. The purpose of this study was to determine the significance of the relationship between the level of political activism of young voters on the level of voting behavior of Universitas Indonesia students. This study uses the theory of political activism of young voters by Dana R. Fisher, which is then tested with voting behavior which is divided into voting behavior and non-voting behavior. This study uses a quantitative approach with Chi-square statistical test analysis. The results of these findings show that in the Chi-square statistical test there is an influential relationship between political activism of young voters on voting behavior with a chi-square value of 5.739 and a significance value of 0.017 which is less than (0.05). However, another finding in this study found that from each of the four sub variable that make up the political activism variable of young voters there is no significant relationship. The findings in this study are ultimately in accordance with the researcher's argument, namely that there is a relationship between the political activism of young voters on voting behavior in the 2020 Depok City Regional Head Election.