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This article assumes that language is not only a way of saying things (informative), but also a way of doing things (performative) or exercising power Through conducting eight focus group discussions (FGDs) involving 39 Christian participants in Surakarta Central Java, this research studies the Christians discourse on their fellow Muslims. In those FGDs, I stimulated the participants discussion by the basic question, How do you speak about Muslims. Though the question is about Muslims, but in fact sometimes they also speak about themselves. I am concerned about the discursive study of religion taking advantage from Norman Fairclough discourse analysis theory and method focusing on the analysis of linguistic practice, discursive practice, and social practice. As a result, the discussions of participants were on a hegemonic struggle between dominant and peripheral voices to define what is considered (ab)normal Muslims. Christian participants identified extremist (fanatical, fundamentalist) Muslims as abnormal. They positioned extremists and excessive persons as extraordinary. Thus, they identified extremism as not the norm but an exception to the rule of religions. In distinguishing between normal and extreme the participants primarily positioned themselves as normal or ordinary religious people who are moderate. They identified those who cause conflict as neither moderate Muslims nor moderate Christians, but fundamentalists in their respective faiths.

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This article discusses clientelism practice as a political machine to mobilise supports for the candidates of district head who were trapped in a corruption case. This research especially intended to answer the question why the incumbent candidate of district head who had become the suspect of cases of corruption, still got relatively significant votes. Although the incumbent failed to win in the pilkada (the election of the district head), the votes that they got became the reason to uncover the redistribution and infrastructure strategy that was used to muffle the image of the incumbent as a corrupt politician. The findings of this research indicated that supporting political parties used the corruption case as a momentum to change the pattern of clientelism, by transforming the personal loyalty to the party loyalty. The political party institutionally took a role as a patron, so that the personal dependency to the elites decreased, but also was directed to a wider variation of the use of public resources for the sake of mobilising support. By using this strategy the coalition of political party in tim sukses maintained their solidarity as well as redeveloped the patron structure that was weakened by corruption cases. The strategy change used by tim sukses in framing the corruption issues indicated the work of clientelism networking tojustgy the new construction about corruption cases done by the incumbents, so that the incumbents remained able to get votes although they had been considered as the suspects in those cases.

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This article discusses the narratives of Sedulur Sikep on their recent movement in rejecting cement companies in Central Java. For the Sedulur Sikep with their culturally-distinct traits through their spirituality, their human-nature relationship, as well as their stance toward the authorities, have strongly permeated the contemporary anti-cement movement. This study then perceives Sedulur Sikep as a peasant community that treats land and resources as their medium in expressing spirituality as well as in perpetuating their resistance to the authorities. Therefore, the respective Kendeng Mountains play an important role in building the narratives of the anti-cement movement that iS strongly influenced by Sikep doctrines, and additionally building the meaning behind Sedulur Sikep's environmental movement that is actually struggling forfree access to and utilization of common resources.

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This paper deals with the politics of patronage and piety in local elections by examining the role of and dilemma faced by Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the largest Muslim organisation in Indonesia, in a local electoral competition. Focusing on the 2017 local election in Brebes, Central Java, this article conjirms previous scholarly works findings of widespread patronage distribution and the impact of rising religious conservatism on electoral competition. However, this papershows that piety and patronage politics neither necessarily maintain oligarchic rule nor provoke intolerance and violence. The case of the electoral competition in Brebes reveals that IslamiC organizations in Indonesia are not immunejrom electoral politic, and due to institutional weaknesses of most political parties in Indonesia, will likely remain important political players by mobilizing support in elections at both the local and national lewd. In a broader context, Islamic mobilization in local elections in Indonesia helps understand the emergence of pious democracy in democratic Muslim-majoniy countries.

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This paper discusses palm oil politics in the regent election of Nagan Raya 2017. Palm oil politics is a term referring to the political behaviour of business people (toke), involving the palm oil land and palm oil plantation owners during the regent election of Nagan Raya 2017. Nagan Raya regency is one of the largest palm oil producers in Aceh, where there are at least 18 companies and proprietorshzps in operation. This research is a qualitative research aimed to determine the motivation and participation of toke sawpit in the regent election of Nagan Raya. Toke Sawits are businessmen dependent on the state for business licensing and expanding land-use, which are related to environmental protection issues such as avoiding responsibility for ecological damage. Thus, some participate in regent politics by becoming a candidate and others act as supporters of regent candidates in the form of providing fUnds and mobilizing workers in their plantation. Motivation of toke sawpit is to get ease of doing business and have a role reinforcement of land conversion and deforestation issues.

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As norms and mechanisms, democracy has been set in place and the democratic political system is in operation, while the practical standardfor expressing democracy is tightened, to make monolithic global governance. Those whofail to comply with the standards are subject to a kind of punishment. At this end, democracy becomes undemocratic, as opportunity to propose alternative ways of expressing commitment to democracy is hindered by the specificity of the prevailing regime. In response to this inclination, contextualized expression of democracy is inevitable. Context does matter, as important as the democratic values. The fact that unanticipated iSsues of democratzSation keep emerging, signals the importance of reconciling theprevailing global regime with the particularities in matching local and national contexts. Yet, the contextualised expression is vulnerable to local and national subversions by the predominating power Democratisation, then becomes a detailed craftsmanship nurtured by a testable commitment to democracy, in so far the country is endowed with commitment to the ethics of democracy. By using the case of Indonesia still ongoing democratisation this article maps out the challenges in meeting the standard with the particularity. The analysis in this article provides insights in fostering the contextualized democracy movement in the Asia Pacific Region.

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Contents: Introduction and conclusions from liberal and social democratic peace to Indonesian normalisation / Olle Törnquist -- Background and political situation in Aceh / Stanley Adi Prasetyo and Teresa Birks -- Democracy in Aceh diagnosis and prognosis / Olle Törnquist -- Profitable peace / Stanley Adi Prasetyo and George J. Aditjondro -- From political exclusion and inclusion, the political transformation of GAM / Gyda Marå̊s Sindre -- Regional election in Aceh / the ISAI Aceh Research Group -- Local political parties in Aceh / Murizal Hamzah -- Frameless transition? / the Aceh Participatory Research Team -- Lost in transition, lost in elections / Dara Meutia Uning with Olle Törnquist and the Post Script Analyis Team.