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"Penelitian ini membahas tentang strategi gerakan red shirt dalam pemenangan Pheu Thai Party PTP pada pemilihan umum tahun 2011 di Thailand. Teori gerakan yang digunakan yaitu framing, resource mobilization, dan political opportunity oleh Doug McAdam, Sydney Tarrow, dan Charles Tilly. Gerakan red shirt menjalankan tiga strategi tersebut dalam mendukung pemenangan Pheu Thai Party pada pemilihan umum tahun 2011 di Thailand. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa red shirt membingkai gerakannya sebagai gerakan pro-demokrasi, dengan mobilisasi sumber daya adanya Red Villages dan sukarelawan yang diedukasi mengenai Pemilu, dan peluang politik berkoalisi dengan Pheu Thai Party.

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This research discuss about red shirt movement strategy in the winning of Pheu Thai Party PTP at Thailand general election in 2011. Movement theory used are framing, resource mobilization, and political opportunity by Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly. Red shirt movement run that three strategies for supporting Pheu Thai Party at Thailand general election in 2011. The result of this research shows that red shirt framed its movement as pro democracy movement, by mobilizing resource from Red Villages and volunteers that was educated about general election, and opportunity of coalition politics with Pheu Thai Party."

"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini membahas mengenai dampak rivalitas oligarki antara Raja Bhumibol Adulyadej dan Thaksin Shinawatra terhadap terjadinya kudeta militer tahun 2006 dan 2014 di Thailand. Dengan menggunakan teori oligarki oleh Jeffrey A. Winters dan konsep kudeta oleh Edward Luttwak, penelitian ini mengidentifikasi oligarch yang menghadapi berbagai ancaman dalam mempertahankan kekayaan dan kekuasaan mereka. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat sejauh mana rivalitas yang terjadi antar oligarch tersebut, dan melihat bagaimana rivalitas tersebut berpengaruh terhadap terjadinya kudeta militer di tahun 2006 dan 2014. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa Raja Bhumibol Adulyadej dan Thaksin Shinawatra merupakan oligarch karena mereka memiliki sumber daya kekuasaan: hak politik formal; jabatan resmi; kuasa pemaksaan; kekuatan mobilisasi; dan kekuasaan material. Merujuk pada cara mereka dalam menghadapi berbagai ancaman, Raja Bhumibol Adulyadej tergolong sebagai oligarch sultanistik, sementara Thaksin Shinawatra tergolong sebagai penguasa kolektif. Bentuk konkret dari rivalitas kedua oligarch tersebut dapat dilihat melalui bangkitnya kelompok yellow shirt dan red shirt. Rivalitas yang terjadi antara kedua oligarch tersebut pada akhirnya berujung pada kudeta militer di Thailand tahun 2006 dan 2014. Kedua tersebut merupakan bentuk dari pola revolusi karena tujuannya adalah untuk membuat perubahan dalam struktur sosial politik, yakni untuk menggulingkan Thaksin Shinawatra dari pemerintahan dan menghapus pengaruhnya dalam konstelasi politik yang akan datang.

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ABSTRACT

This research discusses the impact of the oligarch rivalry between King Bhumibol Adulyadej dan Thaksin Shinawatra towards the 2006 and 2014 military coups in Thailand. By combining the oligarch theory by Jeffrey A. Winters and the concept of coup by Edward Luttwak, it identifies the oligarchs who must deal with several threats in their attempt to defend their wealth and power. The purpose of this research is to see how far the rivalry goes between the two oligarchs and aims to see how it later contributes to the military coup in 2006 and 2014. The findings of this study suggest that King Bhumibol Adulyadej and Thaksin Shinawatra are both oligarchs because they have power resources: formal political rights; official position; coercive powers; mobilizational power; and material power. In terms of how they respond to several threats, while King Bhumibol Adulyadej is considered to be a sultanistic oligarch, Thaksin Shinawatra is considered to be a collective authority. The form of this oligarch rivalry is visible through the rise of the yellow shirt and the red shirt group, and eventually resulted in a military coup in Thailand in 2006 and subsequently the 2014 coup. Both coups were considered as a revolutionary coup because the aim was to make changes in the socio-political structure, namely replacing Thaksin Shinawatra from the prime minister's position and remove his influence in upcoming politics."

"ABSTRAK

In Northern Thailand, a game that builds upon an uncanny cooperation between human beings and rhinoceros beetles xylotrupes Gideon has developed at a high level of refinement and institutionalization. Beetle fighting is even being widely presented as a marker of the local identity and a local ecological wisdom. In this paper, I will show how it is not so much the coleoptera that symbolize a harmonious connection built by human populations with their natural environment, but rather a question of what happens in the intimate relationship between human beings and insects. Following the way players build on the great alterity between them and the insects, this article will address how the technical and conceptual handling of the beetles shapes pragmatically an original cosmology. It will pay specific attention to the ways players try to connect with their coleopteran by projecting human traits on them and adopting their communication mode. Through these, we can examine how beetles force humans to reflect on their engagement in the world, up to the point where it brings this game onto the stage of political ecology."

"Penelitian ini menelusuri faktor – faktor yang mendorong Malaysia-GT berkembang lebih pesat bila dibandingkan dengan Indonesia-GT dan Thailand-GT dalam skema IMT-GT (Indonesia-Malaysia-Thailand Growth Triangle). IMT-GT merupakan skema kerja sama sub-kawasan di ASEAN yang didirikan pada tahun 1993. Sempat mengalami stagnasi pada periode 1997 – 2004, IMT-GT kembali mengalami revitalisasi pada tahun 2005. Hingga berakhirnya periode pengimplementasian cetak biru pertamanya pada tahun 2016, masing-masing wilayah dalam IMT-GT telah menunjukkan perkembangan, khususnya pada bidang ekonomi. Namun, Malaysia-GT memiliki perkembangan yang paling signifikan dari ketiganya. Maka dari itu, penelitian ini menganalisis faktor di balik perkembangan ekonomi wilayah Malaysia-GT yang lebih signifikan melalui empat variabel konsep segitiga pertumbuhan, yakni; (1) Jarak Geografis; (2) Economic Complementarity dan Infrastruktur; (3) Komitmen Politik dan Partisipasi Sektor Swasta; dan (4) Keberadaan Katalis. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan analisis komparatif serta menggunakan studi pustaka dan wawancara dalam mencari data. Analisis penelitian ini menemukan adanya empat poin yang mendasari perkembangan ekonomi Malaysia-GT. Pertama, Malaysia-GT memiliki lokasi strategis yang menguntungkan dalam hal kedekatan geografis dengan dua wilayah lainnya dan mampu mengatasi hambatan geografis di antara mereka. Kedua, Malaysia-GT memiliki tingkat economic complementarity yang tinggi dengan kedua wilayah lainnya dan ditunjang oleh pembangunan infrastruktur yang memadai. Ketiga, komitmen politik Malaysia-GT dalam mengembangkan ekonomi wilayah Malaysia-GT lebih kuat dari Indonesia-GT serta Thailand-GT, yang mana hal ini berimplikasi pada partisipasi sektor swasta yang lebih besar pula. Keempat, Pemerintah Federal, ADB, serta pihak swasta dalam Malaysia-GT berhasil menunjukkan perannya yang kuat dalam mendorong perkembangan ekonomi wilayah. Dengan demikian, keunggulan yang dimiliki oleh Malaysia-GT dalam empat variabel tersebut merupakan alasan di balik perkembangan ekonomi Malaysia-GT.

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This study explores factors that drive Malaysia-GT to develop more rapidly in comparison to Indonesia-GT and Thailand-GT in the IMT-GT (Indonesia-Malaysia-Thailand Growth Triangle) scheme. IMT-GT is a sub-regional cooperation scheme in ASEAN which was established in 1993. Had experienced stagnation in the 1997 – 2004 period, IMT-GT underwent a revitalization in 2005. Until the end of the first implementation blueprint in 2016, each region in the IMT-GT has shown steady progress, particularly in the economic field. However, Malaysia-GT has shown the most significant development of all three. Therefore, this study investigates the reasons behind Malaysia-GT’s rapid development through four growth triangle concepts variables, namely; (1) Geographical Proximity; (2) Economic Complementarity and Infrastructure; (3) Political Commitment and Private Sector Participation; and (4) Catalyst. This study uses qualitative methods with comparative analysis and uses literature and interviews in data accumulation. The analysis of this study found four points that underlie the Malaysia-GT economic development. First, Malaysia-GT has a strategic location that is advantageous in terms of geographical proximity with the other two regions and is able to overcome the geographical barriers between them. Second, Malaysia-GT has a high level of economic complementarity with the two other regions and is supported by adequate infrastructure development. Third, Malaysia-GT has a stronger political commitment in developing the region’s economy rather than Indonesia-GT and Thailand-GT, in which this aspect has implications for greater private sector participation. Fourth, the Federal Government, ADB, and private sector, as the catalysts of Malaysia-GT, has succeeded in displaying its strong role in driving the economic development. Thus, the eminence of Malaysia-GT in these four variables are the reason behind the significant development of the Malaysia-GT economy.

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"To develop seismic design criteria for buildings, seismic hazard analysis is required to estimate the ground motion intensity with criteria such as peak ground acceleration (PGA). The seismic hazard can be analyzed by using two approaches: deterministic seismic hazard analysis (DSHA) and probabilistic seismic hazard analysis (PSHA). In these two approaches, the seismic hazard is evaluated from past earthquake events and active faults data. In Thailand, seismic hazard is classified in the low lying regions; however, in recently years, earthquakes have occurred frequently in the North of Thailand. To prevent and reduce damage due to earthquakes in the future, determination of seismic hazard is needed. This research proposes a deterministic seismic hazard map evaluated from nineteen active faults affecting Thailand. Two types of active faults are considered: first, an active fault in a subduction zone and second, a crustal fault. The seismic hazard is evaluated by using a ground motion prediction equation (GMPEs). Four GMPEs are weighted equally for seismic crustal fault, and two GMPEs are weighted equally for a seismic subduction zone. The hypocentral distance is used to evaluate the seismic hazard for all ground motion prediction equations. The Northern part and the Western part of Thailand are high seismic hazard regions, because there are active faults with the large possibility of earthquakes of a maximum magnitude. The seismic hazards in the North, West and Northeast of Thailand are about 0.60 g. The seismic hazard in Bangkok is about 0.25 g due to the Three Pagoda fault and Sri Sawat fault. The seismic hazard in the South of Thailand is about 0.40 g."

"Skripsi ini mengelaborasi konflik kepentingan yang terjadi antara pengusaha Sino-Thai pada era pemerintahan Thaksin Shinawatra, tahun 2001-2006, di Thailand. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan data sekunder. Temuan penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa pemerintahan Thaksin membangun pola teknokrasi yang ditujukan untuk mengembalikan dominasi modal Sino-Thai yang sempat terdesak oleh modal asing. Terdesaknya modal domestik merupakan akibat dari solusi IMF untuk menanggulangi krisis ekonomi Thailand. Konflik kepentingan muncul ketika keluarga Shinawatra menjadi yang paling diuntungkan dalam teknokrasi yang dijalankan oleh pemerintah Thailand untuk mengembalikan dominasi modal domestik pasca krisis ekonomi 1997. Untuk mengakhiri konflik tersebut, konglomerat Sino-Thai berkonsolidasi dengan monarki Thailand untuk mengambil alih pemerintahan dari kekuasaan Thaksin Shinawatra.

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This Sarjana Thesis elaborates on the conflicts of interest among Sino-Thai business during the era of Thaksin Shinawatra, in 2001-2006, using a qualitative method based on secondary data. Thaksin’s government built a system of technocratic governance to bring back the domination of domestic capital, which was being threatened by foreign capital. The domination happened as a result of the impacts of the 1997 economic crisis. Conflicts of interest appeared after Shinawatra’s family became the only oligarch who benefited significantly from the government’s technocratic style. To overcome the conflicts, Sino-Thai oligarchs attempted to consolidate with the monarchy of Thailand to overthrow the Thaksin Shinawatra government. "

"After the Kuomintang (KMT) lost control of mainland China in 1949, some of its troops retreated to mainland Southeast Asia, marking the start of a period of mutual interaction between the KMT troops and Southeast Asian states in the context of the Cold War. The objective of this paper is to focus on the KMT troops who retreated to Northern Thailand. The author argues that the KMT troops, as protagonists in border areas, promoted border consolidation in Northern Thailand through war and village building. The Thai government, lacking effective jurisdiction over the border, took advantage of the KMT, using it as the most effective tool for border management and as a military force to counter the Communist threat along border areas. Through years of fighting with the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT), KMT troops helped eliminate potential security risks in Northern Thailand. Consequently, border villages with defenses bolstered during the war years epitomized the Northern Thai border being brought under the aegis of state control."

"Liberalisasi perdagangan telah meningkatkan interdependensi dan intensitas kerjasama antar negara, namun pada saat yang sama jugs meningkatkan iklim kompetisi secara global. Seiama beberapa dekade terakhir, tren regionalisme semakin meningkat, terutama dalam kerangka kerjasama ekonomi. Integrasi ekonomi regional ASEAN diharapkan dapat meningkatkan kondisi perekonomian kawasan secara menyeluruh.Tujuan tersebut tampaknya akan sulit tercapai karena hubungan ekonomi intra-ASEAN yang bersifat non-komplementer. Sebagai stabilisator perekonomian nasional maupun regional, sektor UKM akan menghadapi tantangan yang lebih berat, terutama dari kalangan pengusaha asing. Dalam pembahasan tentang UKM, kesuksesan China dalam mengembangkan sektor UKM-nya secara global tidak dapat dikesampingkan. Integrasi ekonomi ASEAN jugs tidak terpisahkan dari faktor China. Di satu sisi, integrasi ekonomi akan meningkatkan iklim kompetisi regional, namun di sisi lain integrasi ekonomi jugs perlu direalisasikan untuk menghadapi pengaruh ekonomi China di kawasan.Dalam rencana penerapan Pasar Tunggal ASEAN, terdapat empat karakteristik utama, yaitu kebebasan arus barang dan jasa, kebebasan arus tenaga kerja ahli, prinsip non-diskriminasi dalam keprofesian, dan kebebasan arus modal. Penerapan pasar tunggal perlu dipandang sebagai peluang (bertambahnya pangsa pasar) sekaligus ancaman (banjirnya produk asing yang lebih kompetitif) bagi kalangan usaha domestik, terutama sektor UKM. Di kawasan Asia Tenggara, sektor UKM Malaysia dan Thailand sudah dianggap sebagai pemain regional yang kompetitif. Pencapaian tersebut tidak terlepas dari strategi dan kebijakan pemerintahnya masing-masing dalam pemberdayaan UKM.Apabila dilihat dari sudut pandang kebijakan, daya saing sektor UKM Indonesia secara regional masih lebih rendah dibandingkan dengan sektor UKM Thailand dan Malaysia. Kesuksesan pengembangan sektor UKM China, tidak terlepas dari peran negara (pemerintah pusat) sebagai pengambil keputusan. Dalam menghadapi kompetisi regional, Indonesia perlu merumuskan cetak biru dan strategi pengembangan UKM yang Iebih selaras dengan prinsip liberalisasi perdagangan. Sementara itu dalam menghadapi China, negara-negara ASEAN perlu segera mewujudkan integrasi ekonomi kawasan dalam komitmen Pasar Tunggal dan Basis Produksi Tunggal.Untuk dapat bertahan dalam liberalisasi ekonomi kawasan, pemerintah Indonesia perlu Iebih proaktif dan bersikap pragmatis. Dalam meningkatkan kesejahteraan sosial masyarakat, pemerintah tidak dapat lagi terlalu mengandalkan peran korporasi besar dan MNC. Paradigma pembangunan nasional perlu difokuskan pada sektor UKM sebagai tulang punggung perekonomian masyarakat. Dalam menghadapi China, Indonesia dan negara-negara ASEAN juga perlu mengesampingkan friksi-friksi politik yang selama ini masih mewarnai hubungan intra-kawasan.

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Trade liberalization has resulted both in increasing interdependence and cooperation among nation-states while at the same time also increasing competition between friends and (or) foes. In the last few decades, there was a significant growing trend towards regionalism, especially those in the state of economic cooperation. ASEAN economic integration initially aimed to increase the region's social welfare in an inclusive scale.However, some experts doubt the aspired plan since the nature of infra-ASEAN's trade based mostly on non-complementary relations. SMEs (Small and Medium Enterprises) as a 'controller' on social, political, and economic stability both domestically and regionally, lend to face harder challenges, particularly from large-scale and foreign enterprises. In the framework of SMEs, we can no longer under estimate China's SMEs development at the global scale. At the similar point, ASEAN's economic integration, more or less, also related to this China factor. The implementation of ASEAN Single Market will intensively increases economic and trade competition among member states. On the other hand, ASEAN's economic integration will also entirely needed to overcome China's economic power in the region.There are generally four characteristics in the focal point of ASEAN Single Market free flow of goods and services, free flow of skilled labors, non-discriminatory standard on professional certification. and freer flow of capital among member states, The upcoming Single Markel should be seen - all at once - as both threat (an overflow of more competitive imported goods) and opportunity (growing market) for SMEs practitioners. in the Southeast Asian region, Thai and Malaysian SMEs have been recognized as two of the most competitive regional players. Yet, the achievement must not be seen apart from the goverments' policies and effective strategies in SMEs development.From the standpoint of general policy environment, Indonesian SMEs' regional competitiveness level is still far left behind Thailand and Malaysia. China's attainment in SMEs development is also an outcome of the state's (government's) continuous role as the primary decision maker. In facing the forthcoming regional competition, Indonesian government needs to redesign its domestic policy towards SMEs as well as to put forward a blueprint for SME development that may possibly pursue the values of trade liberalization. Meanwhile in facing China's economic influence, ASEAN member countries should soon put into action the region's economic integration and the committed agreement to build ASEAN as a single market and single production base.To be able to survive in the era of regional trade liberalization, Indonesian government is required to be more practical and 'down to business'. To improve the nation's social welfare, we can no longer depend only on large-scale enterprises and MNCs (Multinational Corporations). National development paradigm should be diverted to SMEs development as the backbone of the communities' subsistence. In facing China's economic dominance, ASEAN member countries must also be able to put aside political friction and ideological confrontation in the region."

"ABSTRAKSkripsi ini membahas mengenai perbedaan respon yang diberikan oleh Masyarakat Timur Laut Thailand dan Masyarakat Selatan Thailand terhadap satu kebijakan yang sama yaitu Kebijakan Pro-Masyarakat Miskin yang diterapkan oleh Thaksin Shinawatra. Kebijakan ini berpihak kepada kedua masyarakat tersebut karena mereka merupakan masyarakat miskin dan kebijakan tersebut menguntungkan mereka. Tetapi pada kenyataannya dari kedua masyarakat tersebut hanya Masyarakat Timur Laut yang mendukung Thaksin Shinawatra, sedangkan Masyarakat Selatan Thailand tidak mendukungnya. Hal tersebut dapat dilihat dari hasil Pemilihan Umum 2005 dimana dukungan dari Masyarakat Timur Laut Thailand membantu Thaksin dan TRT mendapatkan suara terbanyak.

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ABSTRACTThis thesis discusses the different responses given by the Northeastern People of Thailand and the Southern People of Thailand to the same policy namely the Pro-Poor Policy implemented by Thaksin Shinawatra. This policy sided with the two communities because they were poor people and the policy benefited them. But in fact, from the two communities, only the Northeast People supports Thaksin Shinawatra, while the Southern People does not support it. This can be seen from the results of the 2005 General Election where support from the Northeastern People of Thailand helped Thaksin and TRT get the most votes."