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"In 1992, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) officially recognized and called for a peaceful resolution to the South China Sea disputes. It has now been more than 30 years since it did so, but ASEAN has not resolved the disputes, resulting in economic and security problems in the region. This paper explores ASEAN’s ineffectiveness by showing the interrelationship between otherwise siloed sets of explanatory factors, such as material interests and the practice of ASEAN norms. In addition, it highlights the importance of the dynamics of trust, a rarely examined and understudied element in ASEAN diplomacy, based on documentary analysis and interviews with regional experts and officials. The paper offers a detailed empirical account of ASEAN diplomacy, and contributes to international relations literature more generally by theorizing the interrelationship between dependency, trust, and the practice of diplomatic norms. Most importantly, it provides the operationalization and application of the concept of trust in the South China Sea disputes, for the first time, to explain ASEAN's ineffectiveness. It demonstrates that social trust is an essential component of the background knowledge that constitutes ASEAN diplomats’ reflexive behaviors and practices toward conflict resolution."

"Hubungan kerja sama Tiongkok dan ASEAN melalui ASEAN – China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) telah berlangsung selama lebih dari satu dekade. Dalam kerangka kerja sama ini, Tiongkok telah berhasil mendominasi pasar ASEAN bahkan membuat negara-negara ASEAN semakin bergantung pada Tiongkok. Meskipun telah diuntungkan dalam ACFTA, Tiongkok terlihat belum puas dan mencoba untuk memperbaharui kerangka kerja sama ACFTA menjadi ACFTA Upgrading Protocol yang ditandatangani pada 21 November 2015. Pembaharuan ini menambahkan ruang kerja sama baru di bidang 'e-commerce'. Bahkan setelahnya, perusahaan 'e-commerce' multinasional dari Tiongkok seperti Alibaba dan Tencent mulai berekspansi ke wilayah ASEAN, sementara ASEAN bukan merupakan domain 'e-commerce' karena infrastrukturnya seperti kecepatan internet dan jaringan logistik yang belum siap. Studi ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis mengapa Tiongkok menambahkan kerja sama 'e-commerce' dalam ACFTA Upgrading Protocol. Hasil analisis menemukan bahwa perluasan domain kerja sama ACFTA ke sektor 'e-commerce' merupakan strategi diplomasi ekonomi Tiongkok untuk mengukuhkan dominasinya di ASEAN dalam rangka mencapai visi sebagai 'internet power' ('wanglou qiangguo'). Visi tersebut termanifestasikan dalam agenda politik Digital Silk Road dan 'Internet Plus Strategy'.

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Cooperation between China and ASEAN through ASEAN – China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) has been going on for more than a decade. Within this framework of cooperation, China has succeeded in dominating the ASEAN market and has even made ASEAN countries increasingly dependent on China. Even though it has benefited from the ACFTA, China seemed unsatisfied and tried to renew the ACFTA become ACFTA Upgrading Protocol signed on November 21, 2015. This update adds new cooperation on e-commerce. From then, China's domestic multinational e-commerce companies such as Alibaba and Tencent began to expand to the ASEAN region, even though ASEAN was not an e-commerce domain due to the lack of infrastructure like internet speed and logistics networks that were not so ready. This study aims to analyse why China added e-commerce cooperation in the ACFTA Upgrading Protocol. The analysis found that the expansion of the domain of ACFTA cooperation into the e-commerce sector was China's diplomacy strategy to strengthen its dominance in ASEAN in order to achieve its vision as 'strong internet power' ('wanglou qiangguo'). This vision is manifested in the Digital Silk Road and Internet Plus Strategy political agenda."

"Penelitian ini berupaya menganalisis mengenai kebijakan energi China terhadap Angola dalam upaya mengamankan pasokan energi minyaknya. Upaya China dilakukan melalui diplomasi energi dengan menggunakan instrumen positive economic statecraft. Untuk, tulisan ini menganalisa mengenai sejumlah aktivitas diplomasi China untuk Angola seperti kunjungan diplomatik, bantuan luar negeri, investasi, perdagangan dan kerjasama ekonomi. Selain itu, penulis juga menganalisa indikator keberhasilan energi China di Angola dan faktor-faktor yang mendorong keberhasilan diplomasi tersebut. Penulis menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan mengambil data melalui studi kepustakaan. Pada akhirnya penelitian ini menemukan bahwa sejumlah faktor yang mendukung keberhasilan ekonomi di China antara lain; pergeseran kebijakan China dari ideologi China ke ekonomi pragmatis, penggunaan charm foreign policy, isu HAM di Angola, kurangnya kontrol kebijakan energi di Angola dan terakhir berhasilnya diplomasi di Angola juga dipengaruhi oleh gagalnya diplomasi Amerika di Afrika sehingga tidak ada power yang lebih besar di Afrika yang memudahkan China melakukan ekspansi minyak dan mendapatkan pasar di Angola.

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This research attempts to analyze China energy policy towards Angola as part of its efforts to secure the country's oil supply. To reach this goal, China utilizes its energy diplomacy using positive economic statecraft instrument. Therefore, this thesis will analyze a number of diplomatic activities that had been made between China and Angola such as diplomatic visits, foreign aid, investment, trade and economic cooperation. Furthermore, this thesis will analyze the impetus factors and the success indicator of China's energy diplomacy in Angola. The author uses qualitative methodology by collecting data from various literature studies. Ultimately, this research finds a number of impetus factors of China economic success, such as; the shift in China ideology to pragmatic economic, the use of charm foreign policy, human rights issue in Angola, the lack of control of energy policy in Angola and lastly, the failure of United States of America diplomacy in Africa (thus there's no greater foreign power in the continent) provides an opportunity for China to expand their oil business and getting a market in Angola."

"Sebagai negara imperialis yang menduduki sejumlah negara-negara di Asia selama Perang Dunia II, Jepang memiliki hubungan yang kurang baik dengan negara-negara yang pernah diduduki pada masa itu seperti Cina dan Korea Selatan. Meskipun demikian, produk budaya populer Jepang seperti anime dan manga berhasil menjadi populer di negara-negara tersebut, terlepas dari renggangnya hubungan antar negara-negara tersebut. Potensi anime untuk menjadi alat diplomasi membuat pemerintah Jepang meluncurkan program-program untuk mempromosikan anime di Cina dan Korea Selatan dalam rangka untuk memperbaiki hubungan dengan kedua negara tersebut. Naskah ringkas ini akan menganalisis apa saja tindakan yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah Jepang untuk mempromosikan anime dalam rangka diplomasi budaya populer di Cina dan Korea Selatan serta bagaimana masyarakat di kedua negara tersebut menerima upaya diplomasi budaya populer dari pemerintah Jepang.

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As an imperialist country who occupied several Asian countries during the Second World War, Japan have strained relations with countries that used to be occupied such as China and South Korea. Nevertheless, Japanese popular culture products such as anime and manga are popular in China and South Korea, despite the poor relations between those countries and Japan. The potential of anime to be a diplomatic tool makes the Japanese government launchs programs to promote anime in China and South Korea in order to improve relations between Japan and those countries. This paper will analyze what have the Japanese government done to promote anime within the pop culture diplomacy program in China and South Korea, and how those countries citizen`s react towards the Japanese government program."

"Penelitian ini berusaha menjawab penyebab kegagalan aksi diplomasi koersi Republik Rakyat Tiongkok terhadap Korea Selatan pasca keputusan Korea Selatan untuk menggelar sistem pertahanan udara THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) yang dianggap mengancam keamanan nasional Tiongkok. Pihak pemerintah Tiongkok menggelar aksi retaliasi berupa sanksi informal dalam bentuk boikot tidak langsung terhadap berbagai aspek ekonomi Korea Selatan seperti pariwisata, usaha perdagangan, produk produk dan budaya Korea Selatan / Hallyu. Diplomasi koersi yang Tiongkok lakukan menggunakan strategi Try and See dan Gradual Turning of the Screw pada awal 2016 hingga 2017 agar pemerintah Korea Selatan menarik kembali sistem pertahanan THAAD tersebut. Dengan menerapkan teori efektifitas diplomasi koersi serta metode kualitatif, penelitian ini menemukan jawaban bahwa tidak berhasilnya aksi diplomasi koersi yang dijalankan Tiongkok pada periode 2016-2017 diakibatkan dari tidak terpenuhinya variabel efektifitas diplomasi koersi yakni legitimasi tujuan dan permintaan, kredibilitas ancaman, reputasi aktor, asimetri motivasi, serta insentif yang ada.

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This study seeks analyze the causes of the failure of the People's Republic of China's coercive diplomacy against South Korea after South Korea's decision to deploy the THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) air defense system which is considered a threat to China's national security. The Chinese government held a retaliation act in the form of informal sanctions of various aspects of the South Korean economy such as tourism, trade businesses, products and South Korean Hallyu culture. China's coercive diplomacy uses the Try and See and Gradual Turning of the Screw strategies in early 2016 to 2017 to get the South Korean government to withdraw the THAAD defense system. By using the theory of the coercive diplomacy effectiveness and qualitative methods, this study finds the answer that the failed coercive diplomacy attempt carried out by China in the 2016-2017 period resulted from the unfulfilled variables of the coercive diplomacy effectiveness, namely the legitimacy of goals and demands, credibility of threats, actor reputation, asymmetry of motivation, as well the incentives."