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"The areas of conflict relating to the freedom of religion and women’s rights do not affect the majority of Muslims who practice their religion in Germany and, in the process, they do not clash with the constitutional state. This is also not a matter having to do with those theologians who take their justification for comprehensive religious freedom and equal rights for women from the Koran and, respectively, other normative sources of Islam. Rather, it has to do with those influential scholars who interpret the norms and commands of Islam in such a way that conflicts arise with the laws of a secular constitutional state. These scholars defend the view that the laws of the Sharia are prior to the norms of the secular constitutional state and are obligatory for all Muslims. At the present moment, the question of freedom of religion could be virtually understood as a topic which, in largely secularized Europe and for the religiously neutral state, possesses little relevance. To what extent do inner-Islamic standpoints interest the constitutional state on the question of religious freedom? For the constitutional state, it does not concern itself with the question of evaluating a religion and its doctrinal content. This also applies with respect to Islam. There, however, where actions are justified by religious convictions, or where they follow from them or are declared to be mandatory by influential religious opinion leaders, and where these actions infringe upon established law or limit the basic rights of individuals, the state and its representatives have to concern themselves with these convictions, independent of whether these convictions are of a religious, political, or of a religious and political nature."

"Relief Karmawibhangga terdiri dari 160 panil yang berisikan ajaran karma dari teks Mahakarmawibhangga. Relief Karmawibhangga banyak menggambarkan kehidupan masyarakat pada abad ke-9 sampai ke-10 M di Jawa. Relief ini digambarkan perilaku masayarakat baik dalam aspek sosial maupun aspek keagamaan seperti kegiatan keagamaan. Kegiatan keagamaan digambarkan pada 79 panil. Kegiatan keagamaan yang dimaksud adalah kegiatan pemberian derma, kegiatan pengajaran, kegiatan yang berkaitan dengan bangunan suci, dan kegiatan meditasi. Tokoh yang terlibat dalam kegiatan keagamaan tersebut sedikit banyak memperlihatkan adanya pengaruh dari jenis kelamin, status sosial, dan jumlah tokoh kepada penggambaran kegiatan keagamaan pada relief Karmawibhangga.

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Relief Karmawibhangga consists of 160 panels containing doctrine of karma from the text of Mahakarmawibhangga. Karmawibhangga reliefs depicting the life of many people in the 9th until the 10th AD in Java. The relief described behavior in both the social aspects of society and religious aspects such as religious activities. Religious activities described in 79 panels. Religious activity in questions are the charitable giving activities, teaching activities, activities related to the sacred building, and meditation activities. People who are involved in religious activities more or less shows the influence of gender, social status, and the number of figures to the depiction of religious activity on Karmawibhangga relief."

"Pemikiran Abdurrahman Wahid tentang hubungan agama dan negara pada dasarnya bertititik tolak pada kerangka membangun masyarakat bangsa melalui faham kebangsaan, artinya dalam berbangsa dan bernegara, ia harus dipahami dalam kerangka nasional. Begitu juga pengertian menyeluruh tentang syari'at islam, dalam pandangan Abdurrahman Wahid masalah i'tiqadi'ah dipahami sebagai wilayah politik untuk memperjuangkan ideologi negara, mu'amalah dipahami sebagai upaya memperjuangkan hak-hak warga negara melalui Undang-Undang Dasar 1945, dan akhlaqiah dipahami sebagai upaya berdakwah dengan moralitas. Oleh karena itu, negara yang menjadi keyakinan mayoritas penduduk Indonesia merupakan wilayah privat yang tidak boleh diinterversi atau disubordinasi oleh negara, begitu juga negara, sesuai dengan ketentuan yang diatur oleh UUD 1945, harus benar-benar dilaksanakan untuk memperjuangkan hak-hak berkeyakinan dalam kerangka pembangunan nasional.Adapun konsepsi tentang hubungan agama dan negara Rebublik Indonesia, dalam pemahaman Abdurrahman Wahid dirumuskan dalam tiga bahasan pokok, yaitu : Pertama, finalisasi Pancasila sebagai ideologi negara, karena perjuangan mengenai ideologi tersebut, pada dasarnya bukan didasarkan pada unsur keterpaksaan umat Islam, melainkan didasarkan pada kesadaran yang diwujudkan sebagai penghormatan untuk bersama membangun masyarakat bangsa. Kedua adalah mengenai hubungan simbiotik antara agama dan negara, yang dimaksudkan untuk menjaga hubungan secara proporsional, artinya warga negara tidak boleh mencari legitimasi keagamaannya kepada pemerintah, begitu juga sebaliknya pemerintah tidak boleh mencari legitimasi politiknya kepada agama tertentu, terlebih ia tidak boleh mempolitisasi agama sebagai kendaran politik. Ketiga adalah mengenai konsep pribumisasi Islam yang dimaksudkan untuk mempermudah implementasi hukum Islam menjadi negara tanpa tercerabut dari budaya lokal (bangsa). Sedangkan demokrasi yang dipraktikkan oleh negaranegara Barat adalah tergolong sekuler, yaitu ia dipahami sebagai semangat untuk memisahkan urusan agama dan negara. Implikasi negara yang berfaham sekuler adalah negara tidak satu sen pun mengeluarkan uang untuk kepentingan agama, yang berarti keberadaan seperti Departemen Agama, Peradilan Agama, urusan Haji, dan kurikulum agama dalam semua jenjang pendidikan harus dihapuskan.

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The thoughts of Abdurrahman Wahid about state and religion are basically based on the framework to built nation society through nationalism, in which nation and state. Islam has to be understood in national framework. The complete meaning of Islamic Shari'a, in the Wahid's opinion, has a various meaning. The meaning of theology is understood as political region or struggling for the state ideology, mu'amalah (transaction) can be understood as struggling effort for civic rights through UUD 45 and morality can be understood as teaching effort by morality. Therefore, Islam becoming Indonesian's belief as private matter may not be intervened and subordinated by state, as well as state, according to constitutional law (UUD 45), has to really conduct the struggle for civic right to national development.

And the conceptions of Republic Indonesia and Islam relation, according to Abdurrahman's opinion, are formulated in three fundamental discussion, that concern to finalizing Pancasila as state ideology, because the struggle of ideology basically not relied on compulsory from Muslim, but based on a awareness realized as respect to develop nation state together. Matter is symbiotic relation the second between state and Islam to remain to take care of intercourse proportionally, so citizen may not look for its religious legitimacy to certain religion, particularly he may not make religion as political desire. The third matter is concept "pribumisasi Islam" intended to facilitate implementation of Islamic law as state law. While democracy foundation practiced by western countries is assumed secular, comprehended as spirit to develop political system. The implication of state, which has a secular method that they will not participate to the religion case, such as Department of Religious Affairs, Personal Islamic Court, and the religion curriculum in all education ladders have to be abolished."

"Klithih merujuk pada aksi kekerasan di jalanan Yogyakarta pada malam hari. Fenomena ini tidak terbatas pada perilaku iseng remaja, namun telah berubah menjadi subkultur yang kompleks di Yogyakarta. Tugas karya akhir ini membahas bagaimana klithih dilihat masyarakat sebagai perilaku yang bersifat kriminogenik sedangkan klithih dikontestasikan sebagai kegiatan kultural oleh pelaku klithih itu sendiri. Adanya perbedaan pandangan tersebut tidak lepas dari eksistensi konflik budaya. Pengumpulan data diperoleh melalui studi literatur. Pembahasan tulisan ini dibantu dengan perspektif kriminologi budaya dan teori subkultur delinkuen milik Albert Cohen, serta konsep kebudayaan, konfllik budaya dan subkultur. Hasilnya, konflik budaya antara pelaku klithih dengan masyarakat Yogyakarta terjadi karena adanya perbedaan interpretasi terhadap nilai dan norma yang ada. Konflik budaya menjadi akar dari pembentukan wacana yang cenderung negatif terhadap klithih sebagai reactive subculture di masyarakat.

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Klithih refers to violent acts on the streets of Yogyakarta at night. This phenomenon is not limited to juvenile fad behavior, but has turned into a complex subculture in Yogyakarta. This final project discusses how klithih is seen by the community as criminogenic behavior while klithih is contested as a cultural activity by the klithih actors themselves. The existence of these different views cannot be separated from the existence of cultural conflicts. Data collection was obtained through literature study. The discussion of this paper is assisted by the perspective of cultural criminology and delinquent subculture theory by Albert Cohen, also the concept of culture, cultural conflict and subculture. As a result, cultural conflicts between klithih actors and the people of Yogyakarta occur because of different interpretations of existing values and norms. Cultural conflict is the root of the formation of discourse that tends to be negative towards klithih as a reactive subculture in society."

"Dua studi kuantitatif dilakukan dalam konteks konflik yang terjadi selama proses Pemilihan Gubernur 2017 di Jakarta. Data studi 1 dikumpulkan dari 442 sampel dan data studi 2 dikumpulkan dari 421 sampel, yang dipilih dengan menggunakan teknik accidental sampling. Sampel dipilih dari warga Jakarta yang menggunakan hak pilih mereka dan mengidentifikasi bahwa mereka sebagai anggota kelompok yang terlibat dalam konflik yang terjadi selama pemilihan Gubernur Jakarta 2017. Studi 1 dilakukan untuk menjelaskan bagaimana emosi berbasis kelompok seperti harapan, rasa benci, rasa bersalah, rasa malu, dan rasa marah dapat memprediksi kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi dalam konflik antarkelompok. Studi 2 dilakukan untuk membuktikan bahwa emosi berbasis kelompok seperti harapan, rasa benci, rasa bersalah, rasa malu, dan rasa marah dapat memprediksi kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi lebih baik daripada variabel bukan emosi seperti trust, identifikasi kelompok, dan out-group blame. Data dianalisis dengan menggunakan teknik Structural Equation Modeling untuk membangun teori model terintegrasi dan menguji hipotesis penelitian. Hasil studi 1 menunjukkan bahwa harapan, rasa benci, rasa marah, dan rasa bersalah dapat memprediksi kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi, sementara hasil studi 2 menunjukkan adanya pengaruh yang signifikan antara harapan, rasa benci, rasa bersalah terhadap kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi Temuan dalam penelitian ini mendukung asumsi bahwa harapan, rasa bersalah dan trust memiliki pengaruh poositif terhadap kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi, sementara rasa benci dan out-group blame mengakibatkan berkurangnya tingkat kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi dengan kelompok lawan. Di antara semua variabel yang diuji, studi-studi ini memberikan bukti rasa bersalah terhadap out-group merupakan prediktor terkuat pada kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi antar-kelompok yang terlibat konflik PILKADA Jakarta 2017. Hasil penelitian ini juga memberikan bukti bahwa emosi berbasis kelompok dapat memprediksi kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi lebih baik dibandingkan variabel bukan emosi seperti out-group blame dan group identification.

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Two quantitative studies were conducted within the context of conflict which occurred during Jakarta's 2017 Governor Election process. The first study aimed to gain explanation whether group-based emotion including hope, anger, hatred, shame and guilt could predicts willingness to reconcile. The second study was conducted to answer wheter group-based emotions could predicts more significantly than non-emotional variables such as trust, group identification, and out-group blame. In the first study, the data were collected using accidental sampling from 442 Jakarta residents, who use their voting rights and identified that they were part of the groups that involved in conflicts that occurred during Jakarta's 2017 Governor elections. The data for second study were collected from 421 sample within the same manner  The data were analyzed using Structural Equation Modeling techniques to build the integrated model theory and test the research hypothesis.

The result from first study revealed that hope, hatred, anger and guilt could predicts willingness to reconcile, while in the second study shows hope, hatred, guilt, trust and out-group blame could predicts willingness to reconcile. The findings support the notion that hope, trust, and guilt have a positive impact to the willingness to reconcile, while hatred, anger and out-group blame resulting in participants reducing the willingness to reconcile with opposing candidate's supporting group. These studies also gave evidence that guilt was the strongest predictor of willingness to reconcile in the inter-group conflict in the Jakarta 2017 regional elections. The results of the latest study provide evidence that group-based emotions could predict participant's willingness to engage in post-conflict reconciliation better than non-emotional variables such as trust and out-group blame."

"On the past new era, we always see the action of, expansion the violence for take over the human right of the society ( local community) to ward the plantation or horticultural and the natural resources which done by the Government or private company. Even for the low level society, the action of losing, expansion and violence are things which threaten their life. Even most of us call it as the era of Reformation, but the society's fate has become a sacrifice of the action and it hasn't changed. All of these happened because the society lived in a country with unjustice.

Based on the thought above, the researcher tried to learn the conflict about expansion and the violence for take over the plantation which done by the company of oil palm, which titled : The Effort of Reconciliation of Conflict Between Society of Mahato And PT. Torganda in North Tambusai Regent of Rokan Hulu Riau Province.

The research found, the efforts which are taken to reconciliate the conflict was only the effort to make it peace and compensation. It's often interpreted as the causes of conflict's appearing while the substance of the conflict has been never touched.

Many cases and efforts of reconciliation which done need to learn more deeply. How ever the research tried to open our mind to know a lot the cases deeply which caused why the conflict happened, so the effort of the reconciliation which has been doing will effectively be applied."

"This topical collection of chapters examines secular society and the legal protection of religion and belief across Europe, both in general and more nation-specific terms. The expectations of many that religion in modern Europe would be swept away by the powerful current of secularization have not been realised, and today few topics generate more controversy than the complex relationship between religious and secular values. The 'religious/​secular' relationship is examined in this book, which brings together scholars from different parts of Europe and beyond to provide insights into the methods by which religion and equivalent beliefs have been, and continue to be, protected in the legal systems and constitutions of European nations. The contributors' chapters reveal that the oft-tumultuous legacy of Europe's relationship with religion still resonates across a continent where legal, political and social contours have been powerfully shaped by faith and religious difference. Covering recent controversies such as the Islamic headscarf, and the presence of the crucifix in school class-rooms, this book will appeal to academics and students in law, human rights and the social sciences, as well as law and policy makers and NGOs in the field of human rights"