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"Skripsi ini membahas mengenai upaya untuk memastikan keterlibatan anggota MPR yang melaksanakan fungsi representasi secara kewilayahan (regional/territorial representation) dalam proses pemberhentian presiden dan/atau wakil presiden di Indonesia. Proses pemberhentian presiden dan/atau wakil presiden Indonesia sebagaimana diatur saat ini cenderung mengadopsi pendekatan congressional model. Pendekatan ini mengilhami bahwa anggota parlemen dari seluruh kamar parlemen wajib diikutsertakan dalam proses pemberhentian tersebut. Namun, proses penelitian dalam skripsi ini justru menemukan kecenderungan bahwa pengambilan keputusan terkait pemberhentian pemberhentian presiden dan/atau wakil presiden di Indonesia dapat dilakukan oleh anggota MPR yang berasal dari kamar parlemen dengan karakteristik fungsi representasi ideologi politik (political representation) semata. Hal ini berpotensi menimbulkan suatu akibat bahwa pemberhentian presiden dan/atau wakil presiden di Indonesia dapat dilakukan tanpa keterlibatan anggota MPR dari fungsi keterwakilan secara kewilayahan sama sekali. Untuk mencegah timbulnya dominasi dari anggota MPR yang menjalankan fungsi keterwakilan ideologi politik terhadap proses pemberhentian presiden dan/atau wakil presiden di Indonesia, diperlukan suatu mekanisme untuk melembagakan kehadiran anggota MPR yang menjalankan fungsi keterwakilan wilayah dalam proses pemberhentian tersebut. Upaya ini dapat dikontekstualisasikan dengan penerapan prinsip double majority vote, yaitu mekanisme pengambilan keputusan melalui pemungutan suara dimana indikator tercapainya mayoritas suara harus memenuhi aspek kualitatif maupun kuantitatif. Secara komparatif, konstitusi Kazakhstan yang merumuskan konsep ketatanegaraan layaknya Indonesia telah memuat penerapan prinsip ini secara implisit dalam pengaturan proses pemberhentian presidennya. Dalam rangka merumuskan ide guna menyelesaikan serangkaian permasalahan sebagaimana diuraikan sebelumnya, penulis melakukan penelitian dengan berbasis pada pendekatan yuridis normatif dan pendekatan perbandingan. Hasil penelitian dalam skripsi ini berkesimpulan bahwa prinsip ini dapat diterapkan sebagai syarat pengambilan keputusan dalam konteks penyelenggaraan sidang rapat paripurna MPR yang membahas usulan pemberhentian presiden dan/atau wakil presiden.

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This undergraduate thesis discusses efforts to ensure the involvement of MPR members, who perform the function of regional/territorial representation, in the process of removing the President and/or Vice-President in Indonesia. The process of removing the President and/or Vice-President of Indonesia, as currently regulated, tends to adopt the congressional model. This approach implies that members of parliament from all houses of parliament must be involved in the impeachment process. However, the research process in this undergraduate thesis found a tendency that the decision making in relation to the removal of the President and/or Vice-President in Indonesia can be made by members of the MPR who come from parliamentary chambers characterized by the function of political ideological representation alone. This could potentially mean that the impeachment of the President and/or Vice-President in Indonesia could be carried out without the involvement of MPR members from the territorial representation function. In order to prevent the dominance of MPR members who function as political ideological representatives in the process of dismissing the President and/or Vice-President in Indonesia, a mechanism is needed to institutionalise the presence of MPR members who function as regional representatives in the impeachment process. This effort can be contextualised through the application of the double majority vote principle, which is a decision-making mechanism through voting in which the indicators for achieving a majority of votes must meet both qualitative and quantitative aspects. By comparison, the constitution of Kazakhstan, which formulates a constitutional concept similar to that of Indonesia, already implicitly includes the application of this principle in the regulation of the process of dismissing the president. In order to formulate ideas for solving the problems described above, the author conducted research based on a normative legal approach and a comparative approach. The results of the research in this undergraduate thesis conclude that this principle can be applied as a decision-making requirement in the context of holding a plenary session of the MPR to discuss the proposal to dismiss the President and/or Vice-President."

"Tesis ini membahas mengenai penerapan aspek dynamic governance dalam pengambilan keputusan di deputi politik Sekretariat Wakil Presiden dalam pembentukan UP4B. Penerapan aspek dynamic governance bukan hal yang mudah di Sekretariat Wakil Presiden karena fungsi Sekretariat Wakil Presiden pada era sebelum reformasi bersifat administrasi. Perubahan fungsi pada masa reformasi kemudian menuntut Sekretariat Wakil Presiden beserta seluruh pejabat dan staf agar mampu mendukung Wakil Presiden dalam menjalankan tugasnya dengan memberikan pelayanan baik bersifat administratif maupun substantif. Kemampuan untuk melakukan dynamic governance dalam mendukung Wakil Presiden sangatlah diperlukan dan harus dimiliki oleh sumber daya manusia yang ada di Sekretariat Wakil Presiden mengingat dukungan dari pejabat dan staf memiliki kaitan erat dengan pengambilan keputusan yang dibuat oleh Wakil Presiden.Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menjelaskan bagaimana aspek dynamic governance diterapkan di Deputi Politik Sekretariat Wakil Presiden dan faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi sehingga dapat memberi masukan kepada Wakil Presiden sampai dengan terbentuknya Unit Percepatan Pembangunan Papua dan Papua Barat (UP4B). Teori yang digunakan adalah teori dynamic governance dan teori pengambilan keputusan. Pendekatan penelitian yang digunakan adalah pendekatan kualitatif dengan tipe penelitian bersifat deskriptif analitis.Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, dapat dikatakan bahwa aspek dynamic governance sudah diterapkan di Deputi Politik Sekretariat Wakil Presiden terutama dalam proses pembentukan UP4B sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip dalam dynamic governance. Keberhasilan penerapan dynamic governance dalam pembentukan UP4B ini sebaiknya dapat diterapkan pula di setiap proses pengambilan keputusan mengingat keputusan yang dibuat oleh Wakil Presiden dapat mempengaruhi rakyat Indonesia, sehingga diperlukan SDM pendukung yang memiliki kemampuan serta sarana dan prasarana yang baik.

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The thesis discusses the implementation of the dynamic governance aspects in decision-making in the Deputy Secretary for Political Affairs to the Vice President of The Republic of Indonesia in the establishment of UP4B. Implementation of dynamic governance aspects is not easy in Secretariat of The Vice President of The Republic of Indonesia because functions of the Secretariat prior to the reform era is the administration. Changes in function during the later reforms demanded Secretariat of The Vice President of The Republic of Indonesia and all officers and staff to be able to support the Vice President in their duties by providing both services are administrative and substantive. The ability to perform dynamic governance in support of the Vice President is required and must be owned by the existing human resources in the Secretariat of the Vice President considering the support of officials and staff have close links with the decision that made by the Vice President.The purpose of this study is to explain how the dynamic governance aspects applied in the Deputy Secretary for Political Affairs to the Vice President of The Republic of Indonesia and the factors that influence that can provide input to the Vice President until the establishing the UP4B. The theory used is a dynamic governance theory and decision-making theory. The approach used in this study is a qualitative approach and descriptive analysis.Based on the results, it can be said that the dynamic aspects of governance has been implemented in the Deputy Secretary for Political Affairs to the Vice President of The Republic of Indonesia UP4B especially in the process of formation in accordance with the principles of dynamic governance. Successful implementation of the dynamic governance in the formation of this UP4B should be applied also in every decision making process given the decision made by the Vice President can affect people of Indonesia, so that the necessary HR supporter who has the capabilities and facilities are good."

"Negara Indonesia adalah negara hukum. Penegasan terkait ketentuan tersebut, tertuang dalam Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 pada Pasal 1 ayat (3) yang juga sekaligus menegaskan bahwa Negara Indonesia bukan negara atas dasar kekuasaan belaka (machtstaat). Namun, kekuatan hukum tersebut masih saja diabaikan oleh kekuatan politik yang justru merupakan perwujudan dari machtstaat. Hal ini terbukti dalam ketentuan mengenai mekanisme impeachment Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden pada Pasal 7A dan 7B UUD 1945. Putusan MK terkait impeachment, dapat diabaikan oleh mekanisme impeachment di MPR. Metode pendekatan yang digunakan dalam tulisan ini adalah metode yuridis normatif, yaitu dengan cara melakukan penelitian yang mengacu kepada aspek-aspek yuridis. Metode ini dilakukan melalui studi kepustakaan (library research) atas berbagai literatur yang terkait dengan teoriteori dan asas-asas hukum. Sumber-sumber hukum yang dipakai dalam studi kepustakaan ini meliputi; bahan hukum primer, bahan hukum sekunder, dan bahan hukum tersier. Data-data dikumpulkan dengan cara melakukan pencarian, sistematisasi dan analisa terhadap tulisan-tulisan yang terkait dengan permasalahan yang tengah diteliti. Berbagai data itu kemudian dianalisa secara yuridis analitis. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk memahami mekanisme impeachment Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden berdasarkan Konstitusi Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 dan merumuskan mekanisme impeachment Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden yang baru, yang sesuai dengan prinsip negara hukum.

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Indonesia is a rechtstaat (rule of law). Assertion related provisions, contained in the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945 in Article 1 paragraph (3) who also confirmed that Indonesia is not a country on the basis of sheer power (machtstaat). However, the power of the law still ignored by political power is precisely the embodiment of machtstaat. This is evident in terms of the mechanics of impeachment of President and/or Vice President of the Section 7A and 7B 1945. Decision of the Court related impeachment, impeachment mechanism can be ignored by the MPR. Method of approach used in this paper is normative method, that is by doing research that refers to the juridical aspects.

This method is done through the study of literature (library research) on the literature related to theories and principles of law. Legal sources used in the study of this literature include: primary legal materials, legal materials and secondary and tertiary legal materials. The data were collected by way of doing a search, systematization and analysis of writings on the issues being studied. A variety of data was then analyzed by juridical analytically.

This paper aims to understand the mechanism of impeachment of the President and/or Vice President under the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945 and formulate the new impeachment mechanism of President and/or Vice President, which is according by the rule of law."

"[ABSTRAKKedaulatan rakyat, demokrasi, dan pemilihan umum (pemilu) merupakan hal yang terkait satu dengan yang lain. Pemilu menjadi cara yang dipilih untuk menciptakan wakil-wakil rakyat yang dapat merepresentasikan keinginan dan kebutuhan rakyat. Di Indonesia, pemilu dilangsungkan untuk memilih anggota legislatif dan untuk memilih Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden di Indonesia harus memenuhi persyaratan untuk terpilih menjadi Presiden dan Wakil Presiden di Indonesia. Persyaratan tersebut adalah syarat suara mayoritas mutlak dan syarat persebaran suara. Kedua syarat tersebut diatur dalam Pasal 6A ayat (3) UUD 1945. Pada pemilu Presiden dan Wakil Presiden tahun 2014, syarat persebaran suara tidak diberlakukan. Hal ini karena hanya terdapat dua pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Padahal, kehadiran syarat persebaran suara adalah untuk mengakomodasi keberagaman antar daerah di Indonesia. Keberagaman atau perbedaan tersebut terutama dalam hal jumlah penduduk. Hadirnya syarat persebaran suara juga menjadikan daerah sebagai objek sehingga kelak daerah dapat memberikan legitimasinya kepada pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden tersebut. Ketidakberlakuan syarat persebaran suara akan membawa berbagai dampak baik dari sisi pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden maupun dari sisi daerah. Dampak yang mungkin timbul diantaranya adalah perolehan suara yang terpusat di daerah-daerah tertentu, muncul konsep minority of directors vs. majority of directed, kampanye yang berfokus pada daerah tertentu, dan pengesampingan makna demokrasi.

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ABSTRACTPeople’s sovereignty, democracy, and election are connected to each other. Election happens to be the method that is chosen to generate people’s representatives who can represent people’s wishes and needs. In Indonesia, election is held to choose the member of legislature and President and Vice President. The presidential candidates must fulfill the requirements to be elected as President and Vice President of Indonesia. The requirements are the majority requirements votes absolute and distribution requirement votes. Both of these requirements are regulated in Article 6A of the Act of 1945. On the presidential election in 2014, the distribution requirement was not implemented, because there were two pairs of President and Vice President Candidates. As a matter of fact, the existence of the distribution requirement votes is beneficial to accommodate the diversity among regions in Indonesia, particularly in terms of population. The existence of distribution requirement votes also makes the region becomes the object. As a result, the region can provide the legitimacy to the Presidential Candidates. Non-enforcement of distribution requirement votes will impact the Presidential candidates and the region itself. The possible impacts that will come out because of the non-enforcement of absolute distribution requirement are the ballot will be focused in certain regions, the concept of minority if directors vs. majority of directed will be appear, the campaign will be focused on certain regions, and the meaning of democracy will be neglected., People’s sovereignty, democracy, and election are connected to each other. Election happens to be the method that is chosen to generate people’s representatives who can represent people’s wishes and needs. In Indonesia, election is held to choose the member of legislature and President and Vice President. The presidential candidates must fulfill the requirements to be elected as President and Vice President of Indonesia. The requirements are the majority requirements votes absolute and distribution requirement votes. Both of these requirements are regulated in Article 6A of the Act of 1945. On the presidential election in 2014, the distribution requirement was not implemented, because there were two pairs of President and Vice President Candidates. As a matter of fact, the existence of the distribution requirement votes is beneficial to accommodate the diversity among regions in Indonesia, particularly in terms of population. The existence of distribution requirement votes also makes the region becomes the object. As a result, the region can provide the legitimacy to the Presidential Candidates. Non-enforcement of distribution requirement votes will impact the Presidential candidates and the region itself. The possible impacts that will come out because of the non-enforcement of absolute distribution requirement are the ballot will be focused in certain regions, the concept of minority if directors vs. majority of directed will be appear, the campaign will be focused on certain regions, and the meaning of democracy will be neglected.]"

"Montesquieu membagi kekuasaan pemerintahan menjadi tiga cabang, yakni legislatif, eksekutif, dan kekuasaan kehakiman. Setelah amendemen UUD NRI 1945, Indonesia memiliki lembaga kehakiman, yakni Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK). Pembentukan MK ditujukan untuk menafsir dan mengawal konstitusi melalui putusannya. Salah satu kewenangan dari MK adalah memberikan putusan terkait dengan pemberhentian Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden atau proses impeachment Pasal 24C ayat (2) UUD NRI 1945. Dalam proses impeachment Presiden ada beberapa lembaga yang berperan, yakni lembaga politik DPR dan MPR serta lembaga peradilan yaitu MK. Adapun yang menjadi masalah proses yang dilaksanakan DPR ini adalah bersifat politis walaupun atas dasar dugaan pelanggaran hukum. Berbeda dengan lembaga politik, tentu lembaga peradilan mengambil keputusan berdasarkan fakta material. Sehingga, timbul persoalan jika MK memutuskan Presiden bersalah dan MPR kemudian membatalkan putusan tersebut dengan tidak memberhentikan Presiden. Penulis menggunakan metode yuridis-normatif dalam penelitian ini dengan menganalisis prinsip hukum dan sumber hukum tertulis terkait dengan impeachment di Indonesia dan membandingkannya dengan mekanisme impeachment di negara lain. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Peranan MK melalui putusannya memiliki peran yang strategis sebab putusan tersebut final dan mengikat bagi DPR sebagai pihak yang melakukan permohonan ke MK. Selain itu, putusan MK disini bukan sebagai vonis tetapi lebih kepada suatu pertimbangan hukum bagi DPR dan MPR. Maka dari itu, perlu untuk melakukan amendemen UUD 1945 dengan menjelaskan secara tegas mengenai sifat final dan mengikat putusan MK dalam proses pemberhentian Presiden atau Wakil Presiden.

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Montesquieu divided government power into three branches, namely legislative, executive, and judicial powers. After the amendment of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Indonesia has a judicial institution, namely the Constitutional Court (MK). The formation of the Constitutional Court is intended to interpret and guard the constitution through its decisions. One of the powers of the Constitutional Court is to give decisions related to the dismissal of the President and/or Vice President or the impeachment process of Article 24C paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. MK. The problem with the process carried out by the DPR is that it is political in nature even though it is based on alleged violations of the law. In contrast to political institutions, of course the judiciary makes decisions based on material facts. Thus, a problem arises if the MK decides the President is guilty and the MPR then cancels the decision by not dismissing the President. The author uses the juridical-normative method in this study by analyzing legal principles and written legal sources related to impeachment in Indonesia and comparing them with impeachment mechanisms in other countries. The results of the study show that the role of the MK through its decisions has a strategic role because the decisions are final and binding for the DPR as the party making the application to the MK. In addition, the MK decision here is not a verdict but rather a legal consideration for the DPR and MPR. Therefore, it is necessary to amend the 1945 Constitution by clearly explaining the final and binding nature of the Constitutional Court's decision in the process of dismissing the President or Vice President."

"Tesis ini membahas mengenai strategi implementasi reformasi birokrasi di Sekretariat Wakil Presiden Republik Indonesia (Setwapres RI). Tujuan penelitian adalah untuk menganalisa strategi reformasi birokrasi yang dipilih dan dilaksanakan oleh Setwapres RI serta faktor-faktor yang mendukung dan menghambat implementasinya. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan post positivis. Berdasarkan hasil analisis atas formulasi strategi reformasi birokrasi dengan menggunakan Matriks of Optimum Reform Strategy (Hahn Been Lee) diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa strategi reformasi birokrasi yang dilakukan oleh Setwapres RI adalah strategi inkremental. Hasil penelitian merekomendasikan Sekretariat Wakil Presiden untuk membentuk sebuah unit kerja yang memiliki tugas dan fungsi khusus melaksanakan programprogram reformasi birokrasi di lingkungan internal Setwapres RI; menjalankan program change management secara periodik untuk mentransformasikan nilainilai reformasi birokrasi bagi pembentukan pola pikir dan budaya kerja; membangun Sistem Pengendalian Intern Pemerintah (SPIP) secara utuh sebagai early warning system atas pelaksanaan tugas dan fungsi seluruh unit kerja; dan meningkatkan komitmen serta efektivitas peran Pemimpin disemua level manajemen untuk mendorong keberhasilan reformasi birokrasi.

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This thesis discusses the strategy of bureaucratic reform implementation in the Secretariat of The Vice President of the Republic Indonesia (VP Office). The research goal was to analyze the strategy of bureaucratic reform that was chosen and executed by the VP Office, along with the factors that support and prohibit its implementation. The research is qualitative in nature that uses a post positive approach. Using the Matriks of Optimum Reform Strategy (Hahn Been Lee) as tool of analysis towards the formulation of the bureaucratic reform strategy, this research concludes that the bureaucratic reform strategy conducted by the VP Office is an incremental type of strategy.

Based from the results, this research recommends the following steps for the VP Office: that the VP Office establishes a working unit that specializes only in executing bureaucratic reform programs in the VP Office's internal environment; also implement a change management program periodically in order to transform bureaucratic reform values into a certain mind set and work culture; establish a comprehensive Governmental Internal Control System (Sistem Pengendalian Intern Pemerintah) to function as an early warning system towards the execution of all of the working units tasks and functions; increase the commitment and effectiveness of the leader's role in order to push for the successfulness of bureaucratic reform."

"Tesis ini membahas tentang pemberhentian Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia atau yang lebih dikenal dengan impeachment yang di dalam mekanismenya melibatkan tiga lembaga negara, antara lain, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR), Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK), dan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat (MPR). Ketiga lembaga negara ini memiliki wewenang atributif yang dinyatakan dalam Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 (UUD 1945) untuk menjalankan proses impeachment tersebut. Sebagai wujud dari pelaksanaan sistem checks and balances, dalam melaksanakan proses impeachment, ketiga lembaga negara ini memiliki kewajiban untuk mematuhi hukum dan peraturan perundang-undangan sebab Indonesia ialah negara hukum. Pengertian hukum tidak hanya terbatas pada adanya peraturan perundang-undangan saja, namun juga dipatuhinya putusan hakim yang bersifat memaksa dan mengikat. Dalam kasus impeachment, putusan MK yang bersifat final dan mengikat, pada akhirnya harus dipatuhi oleh DPR dan MPR dalam memutus pemberhentian Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden dari jabatannya.

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The thesis is about the discharging of the President and/or the Vice President in the Indonesian constitutional system as known as impeachment, which is the mechanism are involving three state organs, among others are, House of Representatives (DPR), Constitutional Court (MK), and People Representative Assembly (MPR). These three state organs have attributive authority, which is stated in the Constitution of the State of the Republic of Indonesia year 1945 (UUD 1945), to role the impeachment's process. As a concrete implementation of checks and balances system, in order to role impeachment process, these three state organs have obligation to obey the law and the legislations because Indonesia is a state law. The definition of law is not restricted only into rules and legislation, but also by the obedient of the judge's verdict which is force and bound. In impeachment cases, Constitutional Court's verdict is final and bound, and had to be obeyed by DPR dan MPR when they resolving the discharging of the President and/or the Vice President from their function."

"Tesis ini membahas implementasi sistem pengendalian intern pemerintah di Sekretariat Wakil Presiden. Tujuan penelitian adalah untuk mengidentifikasi dan menganalisis implementasi sistem pengendalian intern pemerintah pada Sekretariat Wakil Presiden berdasarkan Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 60 Tahun 2008 tentang sistem pengendalian intern pemerintah. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif deskriptif. Berdasarkan hasil analisis kualitatif deskriptif yang diperkuat dengan kuesioner diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa secara umum Sekretariat Wakil Presiden telah melaksanakan seluruh unsur-unsur SPIP, serta strategi yang dipilih dan diterapkan Sekretariat Wakil Presiden dalam implementasi SPIP telah membawakan pencapaian yang secara umum baik namun belum mencapai hasil yang efektif. Hasil penelitian merekomendasikan perlu dilakukan perbaikan unsur penilaian risiko dengan pemetaan risiko yang komprehensif, dengan melibatkan BPKP sebagai pembina implementasi SPIP di Setwapres; perlu dilakukan komunikasi terhadap area-area kristis, yang kritis terhadap perubahan peta risiko; perlu dilakukan kegiatan penyerapan pandangan atas permasalahan yang terjadi pada pelaksanaan koordinasi antar unit di Setwapres, khususnya berkaitan dengan tumpang tindih tugas pokok dan fungsi; perlu assesment dalam struktur organisasi; perlu penyusunan pola mutasi dan promosi serta pola karir pejabat dan pegawai di Setwapres yang dilakukan secara transparan; perlu diciptakan suatu metode untuk mengetahui kepuasan stakeholder Setwapres; menciptakan sistem kerja reward tinggi yang linier dengan output kinerja; serta perlu adanya peningkatan kapasitas APIP secara reguler untuk meningkatkan pemahaman dan kapasitas APIP dalam mengawal implementasi SPIP di Setwapres.

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This thesis is focused on evaluating the implementation of the internal control system within the Secretariat of the Vice President based on Government Regulation No. 60 of 2008 regarding internal control systems of government. The method applied in this research is qualitative descriptive. Based on the results of qualitative descriptive analysis reinforced with questionnaires, it is concluded that generally the Secretariat of the Vice President has been implementing all elements of internal control system (SPIP). Strategies developed and applied by the secretariat in implementing SPIP have resulted in generally good performance, but not effective one yet.

The results of this study leave with some recommendations. First, the secretariat needs to improve its elements of risk assessment with comprehensive risk mapping by involving Development Finance Comptroller (BPKP) serving as umbrella organization for SPIP implementation. Second, it needs comprehensive communication within critical areas, particularly on risk mapping. Third, brainstorming on issues involved in the coordination among units in the secretariat is essential, particularly with respect to overlapping duties and functions. Fourth, the secretariat needs to evaluate its organizational structure. Fifth, it is vital for the secretariat to develop a transparent internal civil service's career development, especially on promotion and transfer. Sixth, a method to identify the secretariat?s stakeholders should be developed. Seventh, a working system with high rewards for best performance should be developed. Eighth, there should be capacity building for Government Internal Oversight Body (APIP) officials held regularly to improve their understanding and performance in enforcing the implementation of SPIP in the secretariat"

"[ABSTRAKKetentuan mengenai penghinaan terhadap Presiden dan Wakil Presiden diatur dalam pasal 134, 136bis, dan pasal 137 KUHP. Pasal ini muncul sebagai adopsi dari pasal penghinaan terhadap Raja dan Ratu Belanda yang turut diberlakukan di Indonesia pada era sebelum kemerdekaan berdasarkan asas konkordansi. Setelah kemerdekaan, ketentuan tersebut dipertahankan namun dengan penyesuaian berupa perubahan pada frasa "Raja" dan "Ratu" menjadi "Presiden" dan "Wakil Presiden". Sejak periode rezim pemerintahan Soeharto, ketentuan tersebut, khususnya pasal 134 KUHP banyak digunakan untuk mengkriminalisasi ungkapan, tulisan, atau perbuatan yang dinilai mencemarkan nama baik Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Ketiadaan parameter untuk mengidentifikasi rasa keterhinaan menyebabkan unsur menghina dimaknai secara kabur oleh para hakim yang mengacu pada politik hukum pidana masing-masing rezim tanpa mempertimbangkan situasi kebatinan yang ada. Adanya potensi kelenturan pemaknaan pasal yang bisa melanggar kebebasan berekspresi mendorong adanya pencabutan pasal penghinaan terhadap Presiden dan Wakil Presiden oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi. Skripsi ini berusaha membuktikan kecenderungan pemaknaan pasal 134 KUHP secara luas melalui analisis terhadap putusan pengadilan, ditunjang dengan dokumen-dokumen sejarah yang ada, di samping membandingkan keberadaan ketentuan tersebut dengan ketentuan serupa di beberapa negara lain.

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ABSTRACT

;Defamation towards President and Vice President of Republic of

Indonesia is regulated in Article 134, 136bis, and article 137 Indonesian Penal

Code. These articles were adopted from the originals regulating defamation

towards King and Queen of Dutch Monarch, which was enforced in Indonesia in

pre-independence period upon concordance basis. After the independence, those

articles were maintained after getting through a conformation?replacement of

?King? and ?Queen? phrases with ?President? and ?Vice President?. Since the

Soeharto era, those articles, especially article 134, were regularly used to

criminalize oral or written expression, and also dissent behavior which were

valued as insulting and jeopardizing the image of President or Vice President. The

absence of parameter to identify the feeling of being insulted caused the obscure

interpretation of the ?defaming? aspect in article 134. The judges gave the

interpretation in the compliance with the politics of criminal law of each regime,

neglecting the ongoing social situation. The possibility of interpreting the law

widely could result on the abuse of freedom of expression, and according to it,

Constitutional Court of Republic of Indonesia decided those existing laws on

defamation towards President and Vice President were void. This thesis aims to

prove the flexibility in interpreting the law, through analyzing court decisions

supported with studies on historical documents regarding defamation towards the

head of the State. This thesis also compared the law of defamation, especially

defamation towards the President and Vice President in Indonesia with other countries., Defamation towards President and Vice President of Republic of

Indonesia is regulated in Article 134, 136bis, and article 137 Indonesian Penal

Code. These articles were adopted from the originals regulating defamation

towards King and Queen of Dutch Monarch, which was enforced in Indonesia in

pre-independence period upon concordance basis. After the independence, those

articles were maintained after getting through a conformation?replacement of

?King? and ?Queen? phrases with ?President? and ?Vice President?. Since the

Soeharto era, those articles, especially article 134, were regularly used to

criminalize oral or written expression, and also dissent behavior which were

valued as insulting and jeopardizing the image of President or Vice President. The

absence of parameter to identify the feeling of being insulted caused the obscure

interpretation of the ?defaming? aspect in article 134. The judges gave the

interpretation in the compliance with the politics of criminal law of each regime,

neglecting the ongoing social situation. The possibility of interpreting the law

widely could result on the abuse of freedom of expression, and according to it,

Constitutional Court of Republic of Indonesia decided those existing laws on

defamation towards President and Vice President were void. This thesis aims to

prove the flexibility in interpreting the law, through analyzing court decisions

supported with studies on historical documents regarding defamation towards the

head of the State. This thesis also compared the law of defamation, especially

defamation towards the President and Vice President in Indonesia with other countries.]"

"[ABSTRAKPenelitian ini ingin melihat bentuk keberpihakan yang dilakukan oleh Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id dan Tempo.co terhadap pasangan calon presiden dan wakil presiden pada Pemilihan Presiden 2014. Keberpihakan dilihatmelalui dua dimensi yang terdapat dalam konsep imparsialitas yakni keberimbangan dan netralitas. Penelitian ini menemukan fakta bahwa pemberitaan yang dilakukan oleh media online yang diteliti cenderung tidak berimbang, dilihatndari tidak dimuatnya keterangan dua sisi dalam satu teks pemberitaan serta adanya pemfavoritan terhadap calon tertentu. Pemberitaan Kompas.com, Detik.com dan Tempo.co memfavoritkan pasangan Joko Widodo – Jusuf Kalla sementara pemberitaan Republika.co.id memfavoritkan pasangan Prabowo Subianto – Hatta Rajasa. Mengenai netralitas, mayoritas pemberitaan di Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id dan Tempo.co tidak mencampurkan fakta dan opini. Namun, pemberitaan yang dilakukan oleh Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id danTempo.co melakukan penyimpulan satu pihak.

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ABSTRACTThe study will examine how online media like Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id and Tempo.co partially support the candidates of Indonesian president and vice president on Presidential Election 2014. Online media in this study are those who does not have a direct affiliation to political interests. The concept of impartiality is used to identify the form of partiality. With following dimensions: balance and neutrality, this study found some facts. First, about balance, this study found a fact that online media which has been studied is not nbalance when reporting news. It proved by only a few news that give both sides opinion. This study also found that several media favoring certain candidates. Kompas.com, Detik.com and Tempo.co favoring Joko Widodo – Jusuf Kalla while Republika.co.id favoring Prabowo Subianto – Hatta Rajasa. Second, about nneutrality, this study found the majority of news in Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id and Tempo.co did not mix the fact and opinion. However, these media made one side conclusion by giving limited fact while reporting news., The study will examine how online media like Kompas.com, Detik.com,Republika.co.id and Tempo.co partially support the candidates of Indonesiapresident and vice president on Presidential Election 2014. Online media in thisstudy are those who does not have a direct affiliation to political interests. Theconcept of impartiality is used to identify the form of partiality. With followingdimensions: balance and neutrality, this study found some facts. First, aboutbalance, this study found a fact that online media which has been studied is notbalance when reporting news. It proved by only a few news that give both sidesopinion. This study also found that several media favoring certain candidates.Kompas.com, Detik.com and Tempo.co favoring Joko Widodo – Jusuf Kallawhile Republika.co.id favoring Prabowo Subianto – Hatta Rajasa. Second, aboutneutrality, this study found the majority of news in Kompas.com, Detik.com,Republika.co.id and Tempo.co did not mix the fact and opinion. However, thesemedia made one side conclusion by giving limited fact while reporting news.]"