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"In 2014, President Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo declared he would lead Indonesia, the most populous Muslim nation on earth, to become a ‘global maritime fulcrum’ (GMF). His announcement was taken as a sign of Indonesia’s commitment to be a more active participant in regional maritime security. This nascent maritime vision, however, suffers from endogenous flaws, ranging from personal leadership to widespread bureaucratic deficiencies, culminating in its recession from Indonesian political discourse. This paper seeks to understand how and why the GMF receded from political discourse through the lens of strategic narrative. It finds that technocratic appeal serves as a stronger legitimating method of the GMF compared to other forms, which is due to agential preferences aligning with domestic structural conditions, resulting in development narratives being favoured over maritime-related narratives. The relationship results in government priorities being skewed towards the infrastructure aspect of the GMF at the cost of the other aspects. To demonstrate this argument, this paper analyses an original dataset of 267 speeches and statements, both in English and Indonesian, delivered by key government officials related to formulating and implementing the GMF concept from 2014 to 2021, in addition to relevant policy documents."

"Tesis ini menganalisa mengenai kebijakan laut Indonesia apakah sudah tewujud sebagai kebijakan yang seharusnya ada untuk sebuah negara kepulauan seperti Indonesia yang memiliki luas perairan 2/3 dari luas daratan sekitar 5.8 juta km², dengan garis pantai sepanjang 81.000 km². Dengan adanya keistimewaan posisi dan letak strategis Indonesia di tataran dunia, laut merupakan media yang paling banyak di gunakan dalam hal lintas ekonomi maupun kapal-kapal militer, serta rentan akan isu Non-Traditional Security lainnya. Akan tetapi Indonesia, belum mampu mengatur dan mengelola keistimewaan laut tersebut dalam menghadapi isu maritime security, dikarenakan law enforcement yang belum optimal dilaksanakan, sehingga dalam kelembagaan nasional terjadi overlapping dalam menjalankan fungsi dan tugas pokok yang saling berbenturan (dijalankan secara sektoral), serta banyaknya kepentingan antar negara di wilayah Asia Tenggara dalam mengahadapi isu kelautan. Dengan demikian adanya kelemahan tersebut, Indonesia belum menjadikan Indonesia sebagai negara maritim yang seutuhnya dan tidak terealisasinya kebijakan laut Indonesia yang akan membawa perubahan pada pembangunan ekonomi dan pertahanan keamanan di laut. Maka, strategi keamanan maritim yang kuat tidak dapat terwujud secara kuat dan normatif.

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This thesis analyzes about the ocean policy of Indonesia is already exist as a policy should be abide for an archipelagic state like Indonesia which has an area of water 2/3 of the land area about 5.8 million km², with a coastline 81,000 km². With the features and location of Indonesia's strategic position at the world level, the sea is the most widely used in cross-economically and military ships, as well as vulnerable to issues Non-Traditional Security. Indonesia, however, have not been able to organize and manage the marine privilege in the face of maritime security issues, because law enforcement is not optimal yet implemented, resulting in overlapping national institutions in carrying out the functions and main tasks are clashing (sectoral), and there are many of interests among states in Northeast Asia region to faces the maritime issue. Thus the existence of these weaknesses, Indonesia yet to make Indonesia as a maritime nation as a whole and not the realization of Indonesia's ocean policy that will bring changes in the economic development and defense and security at sea. Thus, a strong maritime security strategy can not be realized in a powerful and normative."

"Dalam proses menjaga perdamaian dan stabilitas kawasan, agenda keamanan Perhimpunan Bangsa-Bangsa Asia Tenggara (ASEAN)—sebagai institusi internasional utama di Asia Tenggara—melibatkan negara-negara anggotanya serta negara mitra dari luar dalam kegiatan-kegiatannya. Dengan sengketa maritim yang belum terselesaikan, meningkatnya pengaruh dari negara-negara kuat di ambang perbatasannya, serta munculnya pertanyaan-pertanyaan kritis yang diarahkan pada kemampuan institusi-institusi internasional, peran ASEAN dalam dimensi keamanan maritim lantas menjadi titik kritis secara akademik dan politik. Tinjauan literatur ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis pemahaman akademis mengenai kerja sama keamanan maritim ASEAN secara kritis, serta menerapkan analisis tersebut pada konteks regional yang terus berkembang. Menggunakan 25 literatur serta metode taksonomi, artikel ini mengidentifikasi tiga titik fokus utama literatur: 1) ASEAN sebagai aktor dalam sengketa Laut Tiongkok Selatan; 2) keamanan non-tradisional sebagai fokus utama keamanan maritim ASEAN; dan 3) analisis kritis mengenai kapabilitas dan agensi ASEAN sebagai institusi internasional. Tinjauan ini menemukan bahwa Tiongkok tetap menjadi faktor utama yang konstan dalam diskursus keamanan ASEAN, dan tindakannya di Laut Tiongkok Selatan menjadi tantangan keamanan utama bagi agenda keamanan ASEAN. Tinjauan ini juga menemukan bahwa diskursus akademik terpengaruh oleh interaksi antar-negara adidaya (great powers), khususnya kontestasi antara AS dan Tiongkok. Mengingat aspirasi ASEAN untuk mempertahankan sentralitasnya dalam menjamin perdamaian dan stabilitas kawasan, kajian literatur ini menyimpulkan bahwa ASEAN harus mengambil tindakan jika ingin mempertahankan sentralitas tersebut saat ini.

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The issue of maritime security cooperation has become one of considerable importance within the changing political context of the maritime Southeast Asia region. In the process of establishing and maintaining the region’s peace and stability, the security agendas of the Association of Southeast Asian Nation—acting as Southeast Asia’s premier international institution—sees active participation by both its member states within the region as well as partners from without. But how does it fare in the face of its changing security challenges? With unresolved maritime disputes within its borders, the growing influence of international powers, and critical questions poised at the capabilities of international institutions, ASEAN’s role within the dimension of maritime security becomes a critical academic and political juncture. This literature review aims to critically analyze current academic understanding of ASEAN maritime security cooperation, applying it to the changing regional context. Using 25 relevant academic articles, this article identifies three main focal points of literature: 1) ASEAN as an actor in the South China Sea disputes’ 2) non-traditional security as the primary focus of ASEAN maritime security; and 3) critical analyses regarding ASEAN’s institutional capability and agency. It finds that China remains a constant primary factor in ASEAN’s security discourse, and its actions in the South China Sea constitutes ASEAN’s main security challenge. It also finds that the academic discourse is subject to the encroachment of great power politics, particularly the US-China contestation. Considering ASEAN’s aspirations to maintain its centrality in guaranteeing the region’s peace and stability, this literature review concludes that ASEAN must take political and academic action if it seeks to maintain its current trajectory."

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis dan mengidentifikasi kewenangan lembaga pemerintah dalam penegakan hukum di wilayah laut Indonesia. Permasalahan yang dibahas diantaranya mengenai pengaturan peran dan kewenangan lembaga pemerintah dalam menyelenggarakan penegakan hukum di wilayah laut Indonesia, serta dampak terhadap kewenangan yang sama antara lembaga pemerintah dalam menyelenggarakan penegakan hukum di wilayah laut Indonesia. Metode Penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode yuridis normatif berdasarkan teori kewenangan dengan data sekunder. Hasil yang diperoleh adalah Indonesia mempunyai enam lembaga penegak hukum di wilayah laut antara lain Badan Keamanan Laut, TNI Angkatan Laut, Ditjen Pengawasan Sumber Daya Kelautan dan Perikanan, Ditjen Bea Cukai, Polair, dan Kesatuan Penjagaan Laut dan Pantai. Keenam lembaga tersebut mempunyai kewenangan yang sama sehingga dapat mengakibatkan tumpang tindih yang berdampak pada ego sektoral antar-lembaga penegak hukum, ambiguitas peran sebagai Indonesia sea and coast guard, respon negatif dari negara lain terhadap lembaga penegak hukum wilayah laut di Indonesia dan lemahnya pengaturan kewenangan Bakamla dalam penegakan bhukum di wilayah laut. Pemerintah perlu menerapkan konsepsi omnibus law dengan merevisi/mengubah, mengganti, mencabut atau menggambungkan agar tidak terjadi pertentangan antar peraturan perundang-undangan. Selain itu, Pemerintah perlu merumuskan peraturan perundang-undangan baru dengan menetapkan lembaga yang berwenang sebagai Indonesia sea and coast guard.

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The purpose of this research aims to analyze and identify the authority of government agencies in law enforcement in the Indonesian marine area. Issues discussed include regulating the role and authority, as well as the impact on the same authority between government agencies to carry out law enforcement in Indonesian marine areas. The research method used is a normative juridical method based on the theory of authority with secondary data. The results obtained are that Indonesia has six law enforcement agencies in the marine area, consist of the Indonesia Maritime Security Agency, the Directorate General of Surveillance and Control of Marine and Fishery Resources, the Directorate General of Customs and Excise, the Directorate Marine Police, and the Directorate Indonesian Sea and Coast Guard. The six agencies have the same authority that can lead to impact on sectoral egos between law enforcement agencies, ambiguity in the role of Indonesia as a sea and coast guard, negative responses from other countries to law enforcement agencies in Indonesia's marine areas and the weak regulation of Indonesia Maritime Security Agency. The government needs to implement the omnibus law concept by revising/amending, replacing, revoking or merging so that there is no conflict between laws and regulations. In addition, the Government needs to formulate new laws and regulations by establishing an authorized institution as the Indonesian sea and coast guard."

"The Port of Bitung area has a number of potentials that can impact the structure of national security and national defense, because it has a strategic concept for the Indo-Pacific Region. The Bitung Port area as an international hub port, stated in the Minister of Transportation Decree Number 54 of 2002 concerning the Implementation of Sea Ports. The method in this study used a qualitative descriptive approach and data analysis techniques used an interactive of model analysis. This study analyzes the Geostrategy concept for the Port of Bitung Region as part of a national security strategy to strengthen national defense based on the maritime security side and the economic implications of the Indo-Pacific Region. The results show that in general the analysis of the strategy of the Bitung port area in maritime security studies for national national security and national defense shows several things: 1) the strategic conditions of the Bitung Port area need to be supported by strategic and integrated policies between the Central government and the North Sulawesi Province Bitung City; 2) the development of special economic zones (KEK) requires accelerated implementation of policies in a sustainable manner with full support from the budget side, this is to strengthen the territorial basis in the geostrategic concept; and 3) there needs to be an approach towards the community in supporting the realization of the strategic area of Bitung City, North Sulawesi. The fulfillment of these requirements has made the Bitung Port area capable of supporting geostrategy through strategic maritime security studies and economic implications, because it is located in the Indo-Pacific Region as a center for political and economic defense so as to strengthen national security and national defense."

"Indonesia sea is approximately 2 per 3 wider than the mainland, with very strategic geographical posisition located at the cross point of Indian and Pacific Oceans. This geographical posisition serves as strategic route for shipping, with every shipment from the west to east and the opposite will sail through the Indonesian sea. This can be both opportunity or challenge, depending on how Indonesia will manage it. If the State did not manage it well, it will increase the maritime security threats, such as IUU fishing, smuggling, and piracy. These threats may seriously disrupt the marine economics development, given the limited number of armaments and personnel of marine law enforcement agencies. Therefore, the capacity of fishermen in assisting marine law enforcement agencies to prevent the maritime security threat is inevitable. This study uses descriptive qualitative method. There are two types of data sources, primary and secondary data sources. Primary sources is obtained through interview with stakeholders and fishermen organization, while secondary data source is obtained by literature study. The role of fishermen in assisting maritime law enforcement agencies, in this case PSDKP KKP and Navy, to prevent maritime security threats is prescribed role or recommended role. The prescribed role is shown by the community group program established by PSDKP and Coastal Development in Rural area which is established by the Navy. With this program, the fishermen can supply informations about maritime security threats to PSDKP and the Navy so that they can act immediately to prevent these threats."

"Tesis ini membahas tentang penolakan Indonesia terhadap inisiatif kontra terorisme Amerika Serikat di wilayah laut yang disebut Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI). Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif yang bersifat eksplanatif. Kajian literatur dalam penelitian ini melihat penolakan Indonesia terhadap PSI berdasarkan cost and benefit analysis pada aspek internal (kepentingan politik, kepentingan ekonomi, dan kepentingan militer) dan eksternal (posisi tawar menawar dan logika konsekuensi). Kesimpulan atas penolakan tersebut adalah adanya ketidaksesuaian komponen dalam negeri dan kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia dengan prinsip PSI yang membuktikan lebih banyaknya pengeluaran yang akan ditanggung daripada keuntungan yang diperoleh.

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This thesis discusses the refusal of Indonesia to the United States counterterrorism initiatives in the sea area called Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI). This study is a qualitative interpretive. Literature review in this study perceives the refusal of Indonesia towards PSI is based on cost and benefit analysis on the internal aspects (political interests, economic interests, military interests) and external aspects (bargaining position and logic of consequences). Conclusions for the refusal is the discrepancy between domestic component and Indonesia's foreign policy with PSI principles that proves more costs will be incurred rather than benefits gained."

"Pergeseran strategi keamanan Tiongkok ke arah maritim merupakan kasus yang unik mengingat Tiongkok asalnya merupakan negara kontinen dan bukan negara maritim. Hal ini menimbulkan perdebatan mengenai intensi Tiongkok dalam melakukan pembangunan kekuatan maritim yang agresif. Untuk dapat memahami perdebatan tersebut, penulis melakukan klasifikasi terhadap literatur-literatur pergeseran strategi keamanan Tiongkok berdasarkan temuan empiris yang didapatkan dari hasil kajian literatur, yaitu klasifikasi berdasarkan faktor pendorong pergeseran strategi keamanan maritim Tiongkok. Faktor-faktor tersebut yaitu faktor ekonomi yang berkaitan dengan keamanan energi dan perdagangan laut; politik yang berkaitan dengan penyebaran soft power; keamanan yang berkaitan dengan perubahan persepsi ancaman; geopolitik yang berkaitan dengan usaha untuk mengimbangi Amerika Serikat dan mengejar hegemoni; dan geostrategi yang berkaitan dengan rantai pulau pertama dan kedua. Dari hasil analisis faktor-faktor tersebut, tulisan ini berkesimpulan bahwa pergeseran strategi keamanan maritim Tiongkok merupakan bagian dari usaha Tiongkok untuk mencapai hegemoni.

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The shift in China's security strategy towards maritime is a unique case since China wass originally a continental country and not a maritime country. This raises debates over China's intentions in building aggressive maritime power. In order to understand the debate, the author classifies literatures on Chinese security strategy based on the empirical findings generated from the results of the literature review, ie the driving factors behind China's shifting maritime strategy. These factors are economic factors that are related to energy security and marine trade politics factors that are related to soft power dissemination security factors that are associated with perception change geopolitics factors that are associated with efforts to challenge the United States and pursue hegemony and geostrategy factors that are associated with first and second island chains. This paper concludes that the shift of China's maritime security strategy is part of China's efforts to pursue hegemony."

"Marine resources as energy resources has become one means for the construction maritime power and unifying the region's defense for Indonesia. The geographical condition of Indonesia as an archipelagic country with the vast majority of territorial waters, as well as its strategic cross-position, becomes a fundamental source for sustainable energy development through the utilization of microalgae as a potential marine plant for biodiesel fuel, a diesel mix for Indonesian coastal communities. The research method in this study uses literature study and observation of previous authors' research, which will result in an analysis of energy objectives as supporting maritime defense that includes: (1) comprehensive understanding on the management and development of marine energy resources through the use of biodiesel from renewable energy of marine microalgae; (2) raising effective awareness and cooperation among the coastal communities, government and industry regarding the greatness of Indonesian history that has been built from the control over the oceans as a source of defense in developing energy security to support maritime defense."

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan mengapa kerja sama keamanan berhasil dilakukan dan berjalan efektif, meskipun terdapat sensitivitas antarnegara. Hal ini terjadi dalam kesepakatan kerja sama keamanan maritim di Laut Sulu pada tahun 2016, yaitu Trilateral Cooperative Arrangement (TCA), yang berhasil mereduksi ancaman keamanan di Laut Sulu di tengah isu sengketa wilayah Sabah antara Malaysia dan Filipina. Klaim atas wilayah Sabah yang dilontarkan oleh Presiden Rodrigo Duterte pada tahun 2016 menimbulkan sensitivitas dalam hubungan antara Malaysia dan Filipina. Namun, pada saat yang sama, ancaman di Laut Sulu akibat kejahatan transnasional semakin meningkat. Dengan menggunakan teori kerja sama dalam sistem anarki, penelitian ini berargumen bahwa kerja sama antara Filipina dan Malaysia terwujud karena adanya tiga faktor. Ketiga faktor tersebut adalah adanya kepentingan bersama Malaysia dan Filipina terhadap Laut Sulu, proyeksi kekhawatiran atas ancaman di masa depan, dan jumlah aktor serta pemilihan mitra kerja sama yang sesuai. Melalui pendekatan kualitatif dan metode causal-process tracing, ditemukan bahwa ketiga faktor ini mendorong Malaysia dan Filipina untuk memprioritaskan kerja sama dalam mengatasi ancaman keamanan di Laut Sulu serta mengesampingkan sensitivitas akibat sengketa wilayah Sabah.

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This research aims to explain why security cooperation can be successfully carried out and effectively run despite the sensitivities between the cooperating countries. This can be observed in the Trilateral Cooperative Arrangement (TCA) in the Sulu Sea in 2016, which effectively reduced security threats in the Sulu Sea despite the Sabah territorial dispute between Malaysia and the Philippines. In 2016, President Rodrigo Duterte's claim to the Sabah region reignited tension between Malaysia and the Philippines. But at the same time, the threat in the Sulu Sea from transnational crime was increasing. By applying the theory of cooperation under anarchy, this research demonstrates that cooperation between Malaysia and the Philippines is feasible due to three key factors: both Malaysia and the Philippines have a mutuality of interest in the Sulu Sea, they are concerned about future security threats, and numbers of actors involved and partner selection. Through a qualitative approach and causal-process tracing method, this research found that these three factors led Malaysia and the Philippines to prioritize addressing security threats in the Sulu Sea, considering it a paramount concern. As a result, the two countries prioritize forging a cooperative agreement over the issue of the Sabah dispute."