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"Penelitian ini membahas perkembangan pengaturan tindakan afirmasi untuk meningkatkan keterwakilan perempuan pada DPR RI dan bagaimana pelaksanaan pengaturan tersebut sejak awal tindakan afirmasi diterapkan pada tahun 2004, hingga terakhir kali tindakan afirmasi untuk DPR diterapkan, yaitu pada tahun 2014. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan sejarah hukum. Pembahasan dimulai dengan menganalisis tindakan afirmasi pada Undang-Undang Partai Politik, Undang-Undang Pemilihan Umum Anggota DPR, DPD, dan DPRD, dan Undang-Undang Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah. Selain itu penelitian ini akan membahas pelaksanaan undang-undang tersebut dengan menganalisis peraturan pelaksanaannya. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa terdapat dua bentuk tindakan afirmasi untuk perempuan masuk ke dalam DPR RI, yaitu melalui kuota partai politik dan kuota pada proses pencalonan legislatif. Setiap periode pengisian jabatan DPR, peraturan mengenai tindakan afirmasi perempuan tersebut selalu berubah. Namun dengan adanya perubahan-perubahan tersebut, belum menghasilkan peningkatan keterwakilan perempuan yang signifikan di DPR RI.

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This research discusses about the development of affirmative action regulations in the increase of women's representation in the House of Representatives (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat/DPR) of Republic of Indonesia and how the implementation of the regulations since the beginning of affirmative action was applied from 2004 until the last time affirmative action for DPR was implemented in 2014. The research method used is normative juridical with a legal history approach. The discussion begins by analyzing the affirmative action on the Acts of Political Parties, the Acts of the Election for Members of DPR, the Regional Representatives Council (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah/DPD) and the Local People’s Representatives Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah/DPRD), and the Acts of Representatives Council Institutions. In addition, this research will also discuss about the implementation of the regulations by analyzing the implementative regulations. The results of the research show that there are two forms of affirmative action for women to enter DPR, i.e.: through quotas of political parties and quotas in the process of legislative candidacy. In every period of DPR, the regulations on women's affirmative actions have been continuesly changing. However, with those changes, the regulations have not succeeded to increase women's representation in DPR significantly."

"Tesis ini membahas tentang rendahnya tingkat keterwakilan perempuan dalam parlemen, penyebabnya, implikasinya, dan upaya pemerintah dalam mengatasinya. Sebagaimana kita ketahui bahwa lebih dari setengah penduduk Indonesia adalah perempuan, namun mereka tidak memiliki wakil yang proporsional di parlemen. Kondisi ini disebabkan oleh hambatan-hambatan struktural maupun kultural yang menghambat akses perempuan terhadap dunia politik. Kesadaran tentang arti penting perempuan di parlemen telah mulai dibangun melalui kebijakan afirmasi dengan sistem kuota. Melalui kebijakan ini diharapkan partisipasi aktif dari perempuan, sehingga akan didapat keterwakilan yang memadai di parlemen. Namun, dinamika ketatanegaraan yang terjadi kerap kali kontradiktif dengan cita-cita keterwakilan proporsional perempuan. Hasilnya, angka minimal 30% yang ingin dicapai melalui kebijakan afirmasi tidak tercapai dan hanya mampu meraih 18%. Meski tidak dapat dipungkiri, bahwa tercapainya keterwakilan yang proporsional tidak hanya bicara aturan semata tetapi juga kesadaran dan keinginan penuh dari kaum perempuan itu sendiri. Untuk itu, kebijakan afirmasi ini harus diaplikasikan dari hulu ke hilir. Mulai dari pendidikan politik bagi kaum perempuan, pembangunan kesadaran partai politik akan arti penting partisipasi perempuan, sampai dengan jaminan hukum terhadapnya.

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This thesis discusses about the low level of women representation in parliament, causes, implications, and government efforts to overcome them. As we know that more than half of Indonesia's population are women, but they do not have a proportional representative in parliament. This condition is caused by structural and cultural barriers that hinder women's access to politics. Awareness about the importance of women in parliament has begun to be built through affirmative policies with quota systems. This policy is expected to increase active participation of women, so it will get adequate representation in parliament. However, the dynamics of state administration shows in contradiction with the ideals of proportional representation of women. The result, at least 30% figure to be achieved through a policy of affirmation is not reached and only able to reach 18%. Although it is undeniable, that the achievement of proportional representation not only talk about rules but also full consciousness and the appetency of women themselves. Therefore, this affirmation policy should be applied from upstream to downstream. Starting from the political education for women, building awareness of political party about the importance of women political participation, until the legal guarantees against it."

"Usia dewasa madya merupakan fase kehidupan yang ditandai oleh banyak tanggung jawab dan peran yang dapat memengaruhi kepuasan hubungan pernikahan. Maka, untuk mencapai kepuasan dalam hubungan pernikahan, dewasa madya dapat menggunakan mekanisme koping, yaitu afirmasi diri. Afirmasi diri dapat membantu individu untuk mengatasi masalah yang dimilikinya. Studi ini memiliki tujuan untuk mengetahui kaitan antara afirmasi diri dan kepuasan hubungan pada dewasa madya (usia 40-65 tahun) yang sedang menikah, bekerja, memiliki anak, dan memiliki orang tua atau mertua yang menjadi tanggungan. Alat ukur yang digunakan adalah CSI-16 dari Funk dan Rogge (2007) dan SSAM dari Harris dkk. (2019). Sebanyak 99 data responden berhasil diolah dalam penelitian ini dengan menunjukkan adanya korelasi positif yang signifikan antara afirmasi diri dan kepuasan hubungan. Apabila seseorang memiliki afirmasi diri yang baik, maka ia akan cenderung merasa memiliki kepuasan hubungan dalam hubungannya. Implikasi dari penelitian ini adalah meningkatkan pemahaman dewasa madya terkait afirmasi diri yang diperlukan untuk meningkatkan kepuasan hubungan pernikahannya.

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Middle adulthood is a phase of life marked by many responsibilities and roles that can affect marital satisfaction. So, to achieve satisfaction in the marital relationship, middle adults can use coping mechanisms, namely self-affirmation. Self-affirmation can help individuals to overcome the problems they have. This study aims to determine the relationship between self-affirmation and relationship satisfaction in middle adults (age 40-65 years) who are married, work, have children, and have dependent parents or in-laws. The measurement tools used are CSI-16 from Funk and Rogge (2007) and SSAM from Harris et al. (2019). 99 respondent data were successfully processed in this study by showing a significant positive correlation between self-affirmation and relationship satisfaction. If a person has good self-affirmation, then she/he will tend to feel that she/he has conflicting relationship satisfaction. The implication of this marriage research is to increase middle-adult understanding of self-affirmation needed to increase relationship satisfaction"

"This book discusses affirmative action or positive discrimination, defined as measures awarding privileges to certain groups that have historically suffered discrimination or have been underrepresented in specific social sectors. The book?s underlying rationale is that one cannot place at the same starting point people who have been treated differently in the past because in this way one merely perpetuates a state of difference and, in turn, social gaps are exaggerated and social cohesion is endangered. Starting out with an introduction on the meaning and typology of affirmative action policies, the book goes on to emphasise the interaction of affirmative action with traditional values of liberal state, such as equality, meritocracy, democracy, justice, liberalism and socialism. It reveals the affirmative action goals from a legal and sociological point of view, examining the remedial, cultural, societal, pedagogical and economy purposes of such action. After applying an institutional narrative of the implementation of affirmative action worldwide, the book explains the jurisprudence on the issue through syntheses and antitheses of structural and material variables, such as the institutional recognition of the policies, the domains of their implementation and their beneficiaries. The book eventually makes an analytical impact assessment following the implementation of affirmative action plans and the judicial response, especially in relation to the conventional human rights doctrine, by establishing a liaison between affirmative action and social and group rights.. The book applies a multi-disciplinary and comparative methodology in order to assess the ethical standing of affirmative action policies, the public interests involved and their effectiveness towards actual equality. In the light of the above analysis, the monograph explains the arguments considering affirmative action as a theology for substantive equality and the arguments treating this policy as anathema for liberalism. A universal discussion currently at its peak."

"ABSTRACTPenelitian ini menjelaskan pengaruh tingkat dukungan sosial terhadap tingkat well-being mahasiswa migran penerima program Afirmasi Pendidikan ADik Papua dan Daerah 3T terdepan, terluar, dan tertinggal di Universitas Indonesia. Studi-studi sebelumnya memperlihatkan bahwa mahasiswa memiliki permasalahan terkait ketidaksiapan mental, hubungn sosial, dan ekonomi. Studi melihat permasalahan mahasiswa migran sebagai bentuk rendahnya tingkat well-being yang disebabkan oleh rendahnya tingkat dukungan sosial. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kuantitatif dengen teknik pengumpulan data diperoleh melalui survei kepada 34 mahasiswa, wawancara mendalam kepada 6 mahasiswa, studi dokumen, dan observasi. Dalam analisis dukungan sosial, pihak yang dinilai paling memberikan dukungan adalah teman dan orang tua, sedangkan yang kurang memberikan dukungan adalah pemerintah daerah. Sementara itu dalam analisis well-being, skor terendah terdapat pada mental well-being. Uji regresi menunjukkan terdapat tiga model yang memiliki pengaruh signifikan terhadap well-being mahasiswa yaitu dukungan emosional, dukungan jaringan, dan dukungan informasi. Sementara itu, peneliti menduga terdapat varibel lain yang turut mempengaruhi well-being mahasiswa yaitu jaringan kelompok keagamaan mahasiswa berdasarkan wawancara mendalam dan observasi dan religiositas mahasiswa berdasarkan studi litelatur.

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ABSTRACTThis study explains the effect of social support level to migrants students well being receiving Papua Education Affirmative ADIK program and 3T Outside, Outermost and Left behind regions at the University of Indonesia. Previous studies discussed that students have problems related to mental, social, and economic unpreparedness. This study explains the migrant students problems as a form of low levels of well being caused by low levels of social support. This study uses quantitative approaches with data collection techniques obtained through surveys to 34 students, in depth interviews to 6 students, document studies, and observations. In the analysis of social support, the parties who are most likely to provide support are friends and parents, while the local governments give less supports. Meanwhile, in a well being analysis, the lowest score is in the well being mentality. Regression test showed that there are three models that have significant influence on student well being that is emotional support, network support, and information support. Meanwhile, the researcher suspect that there are other variables that influence the well being of students, namely the network of religious groups of students based on in depth interviews and observation and students religiosity based on review study."

"This article concerns establishing a plausible connection between the word jang(an) in colloquial Malay varieties and jang-, a form which negates infinitives, in the diasporic contact variety Sri Lankan Malay. The principal claim is that jang(an) marks irrealis modality in Southeast Asian Malay varieties, in which it is frequently (optionally) deployed in negative subjunctive-like embedded clauses. A related claim, dependent on the first of the two, is that the irrealis interpretation conveyed by jang(an) makes it a semantically plausible bridge from a Malay grammar with clausal symmetry to the grammar of Sri Lankan Malay. In Sri Lankan Malay, embedded clauses are frequently non-finite, with infinitives similarly conveying irrealis meaning. Sri Lankan Malay jang- is in complementary distribution with the affirmative infinitival prefix me-, which is also derived from a marker of irrealis modality (mau) in colloquial Southeast Asian Malay varieties."

"Kebijakan afirmatif dan nomor urut merupakan bentuk upaya kesetaraan gender bagi kaum perempuan untuk bisa menjadi anggota legislatif di Indonesia. Rendahnya keterwakilan perempuan di Indonesia tidak sebanding dengan jumlah pemilih perempuan Indonesia yang mencapai 50 persen dari pemilih laki-laki pada tahun 2014. Pada pemilu tahun 2014 jumlah calon anggota DPR RI perempuan yang mendaftar untuk menjadi anggota DPR RI meningkat, namun anggota DPR RI perempuan yang terpilih di tahun 2014 justru menurun dari 18 persen di tahun 2009 menjadi 17,32 persen di tahun 2014. Penurunan keterwakilan perempuan di DPR RI disebabkan oleh berbagai faktor baik dari pelaksana kebijakan afirmatif dan nomor urut maupun dari budaya yang melekat di masyarakat. Kebijakan afirmatif dan nomor urut telah diterapkan secara optimal oleh partai politik peserta pemilu legislatif 2014. Namun kebijakan afirmatif dan nomor urut belum efektif dapat meningkatkan keterwakilan perempuan, hal ini karena kebijakan afirmatif dan nomor urut hanya salah satu upaya dalam meningkatkan keterpilihan perempuan di DPR RI. Oleh karena itu dalam mencapai tujuan kesetaraan antara laki-laki dan perempuan di DPR RI diperlukan sinergi yang lebih optimal dari partai politik dengan bentuk perbaikan sistem rekrutmen dan kaderisasi.

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Affirmative and serial number policy is a form of gender equality for women to become legislative members in Indonesia. The low representation of women in Indonesia is not comparable with the number of female Indonesian voters who reach 50 percent of male voters in 2014. In the 2014 election the number of candidates for DPR RI women who register to become members of the House of Representatives increased, but members of the House of Representatives of women Elected in 2014 actually decreased from 18 percent in 2009 to 17.32 percent in 2014. Decreased representation of women in the House of Representatives is caused by various factors both from executing affirmative policies and serial numbers as well as from culture inherent in the community. Affirmative and sequential number policies have been applied optimally by political parties participating in the 2014 legislative elections. However, affirmative and sequential numbers have not been effective in increasing women 39 s representation, as affirmative and serial numbering is only one of efforts to improve women 39 s election in DPR RI. Therefore, in achieving the objectives of equality between men and women in the House of Representatives is required a more optimal synergy of political parties with a form of improvement of recruitment and regeneration system."

"Perubahan besar hasil reformasi belum diimbangi dengan perubahan dalam birokrasi. Birokrasi masih berpola seperti sebelum reformasi.Perkembangan cepat di luar birokrasi mencemaskan birokrasi, karena akan terjadi kooptasi birokrasi oleh politik untuk kepentingan jangka pendeknya, sementara birokrasi hanya dapat menunggu dan tidak dapat berbuat apa-apa, dan sebaliknya.Topik ini menjadi penting untuk dijadikan fokus penelitian disertasi karena meritokrasi sebagai alternatif pemecahan masalah, setelah rekonseptualisasinya dalam penempatan pejabat di NKRI, dapat befugsi sebagai katalisator bagi interaksi demokrasi dan birokrasi.Masalah penelitian level makro adalah bagaimana menghasilkan rekonsptualisasi regulasi meritokrasi dalam penempatan pejabat; level meso-1 mengenai tata kelola hubungan kerja antar Paguyuban PAN dan antara Paguyuban PAN dengan Kemendagri dan kementerian teknis lainnya; level meso-2 tentang rekonsptualisasi sistem diklat berbasis kompetenensi; dan level mikro mengenai rekonsptualisasi peran lembaga yang berwenang dalam pelaksanaan pencarian, penemuan dan penempatan pejabat yang kompeten dalam penyelengaraan pemerintahan.Disertasi ini menggunakan Soft Systems Methodology (SSM)-Based Action Research untuk memperbaiki permasalahan di atas, menyempurnakan dan meningkatkannya sehingga rekonseptualisasi meritokrasi dalam penempatan pejabat untuk birokrasi yang lebih baik dapat dilakukan dengan efektif, efisien, dan sistemik. Tujuh tahap SSM adalah sebuah keniscayaan. SSM dipilih karena memenuhi kriteria yang sesuai dengan permasalahan yang dihadapi dalam dunia nyata birokrasi.Kesimpulan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pada level makro, meritokrasi bertumpu pada keberadaan undang-undang mengenai kepegawaian. Pada level meso-1, kordinasi belum diperankan secara stratejik dan pada level meso-2 sistem pendidikan dan pelatihan aparatur berbasis kompetensi belum dapat diwujudkan. Pada level mikro, proses pencarian, penemuan dan penempatan pejabat dalam dilakukan Baperjakat. Namun peran kepala daerah lebih menentukan. Rekomendasi level makro adalah pengesahan segera RUU ASN, meso-1 kordinasi intensif, meso-2 perubahan orientasi diklat berbasis kompetensi, level mikro adalah bahwa pencarian, penemuan, dan penempatan pejabat di daerah tidak dilakukan oleh Baperjakat melainkan oleh lembaga independen dan profesional.

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Great change took place in several walk of lives as consequences of reforms in 1998 unfortunately were not followed by the bureaucracy. Changes that created new environment in politics, government, policy making, institutions, service delivery and others, in contrast, within bureaucracy are still absent. It still operates in an oldfashioned version as it used to be. The rapid development of its environment made it needs to reforms itself to anticipate the consequences of the growing democracy in the country.This background revealed the research question in the field of regulation in macro level, coordination in meso level as well as competency-based training, and in the micro level is the possibility of utilising independent body in placing officers, the activity used to be done by Baperjakat.This dissertation uses SSM-Based Action Research in order to improve, fix, and perfect the situation considered problematic in the real world. For that purpose, 7 standard steps of SSM used and followed. The research category chosen is following McKay and Marshal, that is research interest as well as problem solving interest.Conceptualisation of meritocracy in each institutional level shows that potentiality of its application is relatively high, opposite with basic regulation in place, the law on personnel management. Such development accommodated already in the draft new law on State Civil Apparatus.The conclusion of the research shows that at the macro level, the application of the meritocracy in the placement of the officers relay heavily on the availability of the regulations on personnel. In the meso-1 level, coordination is not yet played in a strategic manner among the Menpan office and its affiliation institution, with ministry oh Home Affairs as well as technical ministries. In the meso-2 level, competency-based training is not in place yet. At the micro level, the process of recruitment, finding, and placement indeed done by Baperjakat. However, the head of the region plays more important decision than the functional body. This dissertation recommends at the macro level that the enaction of the law on State Civil Apparatus is a must and need to be perpetuated, at the meso-1 level intensive coordination is the key to develop meritocracy principles, meso-2 level the changing in the training orientation fo the competency-based is a must, and at the micro level the role Baperjakat should be replaced by the independent and professional body. Another important recommendation is that affirmative meritocracy as a derivation from affirmative actions relay heavily on the availability of affirmative policy in the form of law on State Civil Apparatus."