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"One of the entrances for women in politics is through kinship. In the 2020 regional head elections in Central Java, the nomination of women from incumbent families or political elites took place in various regions. Some have political experience; some have less experience. This paper examines how the nomination and victory of female candidates, whether because of kinship, or the need for experience, personal qualities, or other reasons. This research is descriptive with a qualitative approach, using data from the results of the vote, candidate data, and some related information. This study found that female candidates with kinship relations do not always win elections, but must have political capital, social capital, and competence, as well as support from political parties."

"Kinship politics in the 2020 Pilkada in Central Java occurred in 11 out of 21 regions that held Pilkada. This number indicates that more than half of the regions in Central Java are exposed to kinship politics in the 2020 Pilkada. This condition would not have happened without the actors involved. The role of actors in constructing kinship politics is something that is difficult to deny. Therefore, this research is important to find actors involved in kinship politics in the 2020 Pilkada in Central Java. The fundamental question that is important to ask is who is involved in kinship politics in the 2020 Pilkada in Central Java? How do these actors influence the 2020 Pilkada contest in Central Java? The purpose of this research is to find the formulation of the problem. This article shows three actors who play a role in constructing kinship politics in Central Java, namely (1) the main actor; (2) relative actor; and (3) other actors. The influence of these three actors can be classified into large, medium, and small influences. This article shows that these three actors have varied and inconsistent effects. This article concludes that kinship politics is not a guarantee for a candidate to win local political contestation."

"This paper aims to study the development the dynasty politics phenomenon in Solo, especially from the public perspective after the 2020 regional head election. Gibran, the son of the President of the Republic of Indonesia ran as a candidate for mayor of Solo. Gibran involvement during the regional head election raised pros and cons in Indonesia. The practice of kinship politics in Indonesia is increasingly worrying. The reason is that most of the regulations tend to preserve the oligarchy. The flourishing of kinship politics, especially in the regions, cannot be separated from the role of = political parties and regulations on regional head election. The study used quantitative approach with questionnaires and literature review. The results wereprocessed using SmartPLS 3.0 software with four independent variable: network strength, position in the party, unequal democracy, and capital. The study showed that only two independent variables influenced the occurrence of kinship politics: network strength and capital. This led to talks about the community on political issues, President Jokowi, and changed his leadership image, from previously seen as a president that does not involve families in political matters."

"The 2020 Regional Head Election continued to show the presence of Kinship Politics at the regional level, including in Jambi. The incumbents encouraged their family members to run as candidates in the election for Governor and Deputy Governor of Jambi, Regent of Batang Hari, and Mayor of Sungai Penuh. Surprisingly, Kinship politics failed to win in all three locations. This study aimed to analyze the failure of Kinship politics in the 2020 Regional Head Election in Jambi (namely Yuninta Asmara-Muhammad Mahdan in Batang Hari Regency, Cek Endra-Ratu Munawaroh in the election for the Governor of Jambi, and Fikar Azami-Yos Andrino in the election for Mayor of Sungai Penuh) through an independent observation from November 2020 to January 2021, as well as documentation of data and news related to the 2020 Regional Head Election in Jambi. The failure of the three candidate pairs was due to: first, the lack of public trust in the incumbent's family; second, the lack of campaign fund contributions; third, lack of promotions for the candidate pairs on social media; fourth, the lack of political communication between candidates, political parties, and constituents, while the alternative candidates optimally, effectively and efficiently managed the campaign team, campaign logistics, and their constituents; five, the alternative candidates' track records showed better credibility and capability; and six, better electability and acceptability of the alternative candidates. This study concluded that Jambi could be an example of minimizing the dominance of Kinship politics by using an alternative candidate who has a solid team, good online campaign management, and effective logistics management. Jambi can be a barometer of the rise of real democracy."

"The number of candidates who have a kinship with political and/or government entities in the 2020 Pilkada in Indonesia has shot up compared to the previous period, namely originally 59 candidates (2005-2014 period), 86 candidates (2015-2018 period), now 124 candidates (2020-2024 period). The research aims to identify the most dominating dimensions of power in kinship politics by using the power cube theory. In summary, the power cube theory analyzes the interaction of power in 3 (three) dimensions, namely levels, spaces, and forms. The method used is a quantitative method with analytical hierarchy process techniques to determine the criteria for the highest kinship politics and to determine the regions with the highest kinship political relations based on the criteria. Researchers identified the potential impact of kinship politics practice using descriptive qualitative research methods. The results of the study found a visible dimension in the power cube theory, namely that poor regeneration of political parties dominates the causes of kinship politics (73% of the criteria weighted results). The regions with the highest kinship politics based on the criteria for weak party regeneration were South Sulawesi (60.3%), followed by Sumatra (24.88%) and Java (10.07%). There are 5 (five) potential impacts of the practice of kinship politics, namely versatile coalitions, policies originating from elite compromise, marginalized crucial public issues, the birth of regulations that accommodate the interests of actors outside of government, and the declining performance of the bureaucracy in bridging the needs of the people."