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"In the past several decade's demands for maritime security has increased in significant numbers as indicated by the growing challenge in the seas, promoting various strategic ways to identify problems and to seek the best solutions to the problems. Negotiating a South China Sea conflict settlement and a political solution, at the top political and military level, was an obvious priority for peace-brokers in the conflict area. A quandary of the first track and official diplomatic efforts have pursued the confidence of the government, claimant states, and regional states to negotiate and implement a conflict-settlement agreement. The limitations of the first-track approach have associated with the hard way and a deadlock in making peace and settling the conflict. On the other side, track two or second-track diplomacy (STRAD) played a minimal role in facilitating the signing of a settlement. It, though, served as a reconciliatory effort at the unofficial level. STRAD made a critical contribution to the formal peace process by providing the unarmed actors with an unofficial opportunity to voice their interests in the conflict. Unofficial STRAD efforts conducted outside the officials served to provide an alternative solution with a platform of interaction and engagement."

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis dan mengidentifikasi kewenangan lembaga pemerintah dalam penegakan hukum di wilayah laut Indonesia. Permasalahan yang dibahas diantaranya mengenai pengaturan peran dan kewenangan lembaga pemerintah dalam menyelenggarakan penegakan hukum di wilayah laut Indonesia, serta dampak terhadap kewenangan yang sama antara lembaga pemerintah dalam menyelenggarakan penegakan hukum di wilayah laut Indonesia. Metode Penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode yuridis normatif berdasarkan teori kewenangan dengan data sekunder. Hasil yang diperoleh adalah Indonesia mempunyai enam lembaga penegak hukum di wilayah laut antara lain Badan Keamanan Laut, TNI Angkatan Laut, Ditjen Pengawasan Sumber Daya Kelautan dan Perikanan, Ditjen Bea Cukai, Polair, dan Kesatuan Penjagaan Laut dan Pantai. Keenam lembaga tersebut mempunyai kewenangan yang sama sehingga dapat mengakibatkan tumpang tindih yang berdampak pada ego sektoral antar-lembaga penegak hukum, ambiguitas peran sebagai Indonesia sea and coast guard, respon negatif dari negara lain terhadap lembaga penegak hukum wilayah laut di Indonesia dan lemahnya pengaturan kewenangan Bakamla dalam penegakan bhukum di wilayah laut. Pemerintah perlu menerapkan konsepsi omnibus law dengan merevisi/mengubah, mengganti, mencabut atau menggambungkan agar tidak terjadi pertentangan antar peraturan perundang-undangan. Selain itu, Pemerintah perlu merumuskan peraturan perundang-undangan baru dengan menetapkan lembaga yang berwenang sebagai Indonesia sea and coast guard.

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The purpose of this research aims to analyze and identify the authority of government agencies in law enforcement in the Indonesian marine area. Issues discussed include regulating the role and authority, as well as the impact on the same authority between government agencies to carry out law enforcement in Indonesian marine areas. The research method used is a normative juridical method based on the theory of authority with secondary data. The results obtained are that Indonesia has six law enforcement agencies in the marine area, consist of the Indonesia Maritime Security Agency, the Directorate General of Surveillance and Control of Marine and Fishery Resources, the Directorate General of Customs and Excise, the Directorate Marine Police, and the Directorate Indonesian Sea and Coast Guard. The six agencies have the same authority that can lead to impact on sectoral egos between law enforcement agencies, ambiguity in the role of Indonesia as a sea and coast guard, negative responses from other countries to law enforcement agencies in Indonesia's marine areas and the weak regulation of Indonesia Maritime Security Agency. The government needs to implement the omnibus law concept by revising/amending, replacing, revoking or merging so that there is no conflict between laws and regulations. In addition, the Government needs to formulate new laws and regulations by establishing an authorized institution as the Indonesian sea and coast guard."

"Tesis ini menganalisa mengenai kebijakan laut Indonesia apakah sudah tewujud sebagai kebijakan yang seharusnya ada untuk sebuah negara kepulauan seperti Indonesia yang memiliki luas perairan 2/3 dari luas daratan sekitar 5.8 juta km², dengan garis pantai sepanjang 81.000 km². Dengan adanya keistimewaan posisi dan letak strategis Indonesia di tataran dunia, laut merupakan media yang paling banyak di gunakan dalam hal lintas ekonomi maupun kapal-kapal militer, serta rentan akan isu Non-Traditional Security lainnya. Akan tetapi Indonesia, belum mampu mengatur dan mengelola keistimewaan laut tersebut dalam menghadapi isu maritime security, dikarenakan law enforcement yang belum optimal dilaksanakan, sehingga dalam kelembagaan nasional terjadi overlapping dalam menjalankan fungsi dan tugas pokok yang saling berbenturan (dijalankan secara sektoral), serta banyaknya kepentingan antar negara di wilayah Asia Tenggara dalam mengahadapi isu kelautan. Dengan demikian adanya kelemahan tersebut, Indonesia belum menjadikan Indonesia sebagai negara maritim yang seutuhnya dan tidak terealisasinya kebijakan laut Indonesia yang akan membawa perubahan pada pembangunan ekonomi dan pertahanan keamanan di laut. Maka, strategi keamanan maritim yang kuat tidak dapat terwujud secara kuat dan normatif.

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This thesis analyzes about the ocean policy of Indonesia is already exist as a policy should be abide for an archipelagic state like Indonesia which has an area of water 2/3 of the land area about 5.8 million km², with a coastline 81,000 km². With the features and location of Indonesia's strategic position at the world level, the sea is the most widely used in cross-economically and military ships, as well as vulnerable to issues Non-Traditional Security. Indonesia, however, have not been able to organize and manage the marine privilege in the face of maritime security issues, because law enforcement is not optimal yet implemented, resulting in overlapping national institutions in carrying out the functions and main tasks are clashing (sectoral), and there are many of interests among states in Northeast Asia region to faces the maritime issue. Thus the existence of these weaknesses, Indonesia yet to make Indonesia as a maritime nation as a whole and not the realization of Indonesia's ocean policy that will bring changes in the economic development and defense and security at sea. Thus, a strong maritime security strategy can not be realized in a powerful and normative."

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan mengapa kerja sama keamanan berhasil dilakukan dan berjalan efektif, meskipun terdapat sensitivitas antarnegara. Hal ini terjadi dalam kesepakatan kerja sama keamanan maritim di Laut Sulu pada tahun 2016, yaitu Trilateral Cooperative Arrangement (TCA), yang berhasil mereduksi ancaman keamanan di Laut Sulu di tengah isu sengketa wilayah Sabah antara Malaysia dan Filipina. Klaim atas wilayah Sabah yang dilontarkan oleh Presiden Rodrigo Duterte pada tahun 2016 menimbulkan sensitivitas dalam hubungan antara Malaysia dan Filipina. Namun, pada saat yang sama, ancaman di Laut Sulu akibat kejahatan transnasional semakin meningkat. Dengan menggunakan teori kerja sama dalam sistem anarki, penelitian ini berargumen bahwa kerja sama antara Filipina dan Malaysia terwujud karena adanya tiga faktor. Ketiga faktor tersebut adalah adanya kepentingan bersama Malaysia dan Filipina terhadap Laut Sulu, proyeksi kekhawatiran atas ancaman di masa depan, dan jumlah aktor serta pemilihan mitra kerja sama yang sesuai. Melalui pendekatan kualitatif dan metode causal-process tracing, ditemukan bahwa ketiga faktor ini mendorong Malaysia dan Filipina untuk memprioritaskan kerja sama dalam mengatasi ancaman keamanan di Laut Sulu serta mengesampingkan sensitivitas akibat sengketa wilayah Sabah.

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This research aims to explain why security cooperation can be successfully carried out and effectively run despite the sensitivities between the cooperating countries. This can be observed in the Trilateral Cooperative Arrangement (TCA) in the Sulu Sea in 2016, which effectively reduced security threats in the Sulu Sea despite the Sabah territorial dispute between Malaysia and the Philippines. In 2016, President Rodrigo Duterte's claim to the Sabah region reignited tension between Malaysia and the Philippines. But at the same time, the threat in the Sulu Sea from transnational crime was increasing. By applying the theory of cooperation under anarchy, this research demonstrates that cooperation between Malaysia and the Philippines is feasible due to three key factors: both Malaysia and the Philippines have a mutuality of interest in the Sulu Sea, they are concerned about future security threats, and numbers of actors involved and partner selection. Through a qualitative approach and causal-process tracing method, this research found that these three factors led Malaysia and the Philippines to prioritize addressing security threats in the Sulu Sea, considering it a paramount concern. As a result, the two countries prioritize forging a cooperative agreement over the issue of the Sabah dispute."

"Pergeseran strategi keamanan Tiongkok ke arah maritim merupakan kasus yang unik mengingat Tiongkok asalnya merupakan negara kontinen dan bukan negara maritim. Hal ini menimbulkan perdebatan mengenai intensi Tiongkok dalam melakukan pembangunan kekuatan maritim yang agresif. Untuk dapat memahami perdebatan tersebut, penulis melakukan klasifikasi terhadap literatur-literatur pergeseran strategi keamanan Tiongkok berdasarkan temuan empiris yang didapatkan dari hasil kajian literatur, yaitu klasifikasi berdasarkan faktor pendorong pergeseran strategi keamanan maritim Tiongkok. Faktor-faktor tersebut yaitu faktor ekonomi yang berkaitan dengan keamanan energi dan perdagangan laut; politik yang berkaitan dengan penyebaran soft power; keamanan yang berkaitan dengan perubahan persepsi ancaman; geopolitik yang berkaitan dengan usaha untuk mengimbangi Amerika Serikat dan mengejar hegemoni; dan geostrategi yang berkaitan dengan rantai pulau pertama dan kedua. Dari hasil analisis faktor-faktor tersebut, tulisan ini berkesimpulan bahwa pergeseran strategi keamanan maritim Tiongkok merupakan bagian dari usaha Tiongkok untuk mencapai hegemoni.

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The shift in China's security strategy towards maritime is a unique case since China wass originally a continental country and not a maritime country. This raises debates over China's intentions in building aggressive maritime power. In order to understand the debate, the author classifies literatures on Chinese security strategy based on the empirical findings generated from the results of the literature review, ie the driving factors behind China's shifting maritime strategy. These factors are economic factors that are related to energy security and marine trade politics factors that are related to soft power dissemination security factors that are associated with perception change geopolitics factors that are associated with efforts to challenge the United States and pursue hegemony and geostrategy factors that are associated with first and second island chains. This paper concludes that the shift of China's maritime security strategy is part of China's efforts to pursue hegemony."

"In 2014, President Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo declared he would lead Indonesia, the most populous Muslim nation on earth, to become a ‘global maritime fulcrum’ (GMF). His announcement was taken as a sign of Indonesia’s commitment to be a more active participant in regional maritime security. This nascent maritime vision, however, suffers from endogenous flaws, ranging from personal leadership to widespread bureaucratic deficiencies, culminating in its recession from Indonesian political discourse. This paper seeks to understand how and why the GMF receded from political discourse through the lens of strategic narrative. It finds that technocratic appeal serves as a stronger legitimating method of the GMF compared to other forms, which is due to agential preferences aligning with domestic structural conditions, resulting in development narratives being favoured over maritime-related narratives. The relationship results in government priorities being skewed towards the infrastructure aspect of the GMF at the cost of the other aspects. To demonstrate this argument, this paper analyses an original dataset of 267 speeches and statements, both in English and Indonesian, delivered by key government officials related to formulating and implementing the GMF concept from 2014 to 2021, in addition to relevant policy documents."

"Fokus dari skripsi ini adalah untuk membahas prinsip perbatasan maritime dan penerapannya pada Sengketa Laut Cina Selatan, khususnya pada batas maritim negara penuntut. Skripsi ini juga menguraikan lebih lanjut mengenai posisi Indonesia di dalam sengketa tersebut. Tujuan dari skripsi ini adalah untuk memberikan pemahaman lebih lanjut mengenai Sengketa Laut Cina Selatan dan mendiskusikan lebih lanjut mengenai negara penutut yang mana yang memiliki klaim paling sah di Laut Cina Selatan.

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The focus of this thesis is to discuss the maritime boundaries principle and applying the principle in the South China Sea Dispute regarding the maritime boundaries of the Claimant States. The thesis also elaborates more about Indonesia's position in the dispute. The purpose of this thesis is to give a more thorough understanding about the South China Sea Dispute, and discuss further regarding which claimant state has the most legitimate claim in the South China Sea."

"As a primary trade route for more than half of the world's shipping, the location of potentially huge oil and gas reserves, and the main source of protein in maritime South- East Asia, the South China Sea is a governing determinant of security, prosperity and development in East Asia and the wider Indo-Pacific region. The disputes in the South China Sea have long been seen as a source of tension and instability in the region. Although peace has been maintained until now, the South China Sea is the epicentre of changes in the international balance of power which have the potential to trigger military conflict. The South China Sea sovereignty disputes are among the most complicated in the world and engage claims from Brunei, China, Malaysia, Philippines, Taiwan, and Vietnam. Given the complex convergence of national interests in the region, the prospect of settling the decades-old disputes completely is very slim"

"ABSTRAKBerdasarkan sejarah, terdapat kecenderungan bahwa suatu negara yang tengah mengalami kebangkitan memiliki kecenderungan untuk bersikap ekspansif terhadap negara-negara lainnya, seperti yang dilakukan oleh Jerman dan Jepang pada masa Perang Dunia. Pada saat ini, China merupakan salah satu simbol kekuatan dunia yang tengah mengalami pertumbuhan pesat. Sejalan dengan perkembangannya dalam bidang ekonomi dan militer, kebangkitan China juga berpengaruh terhadap negara-negara lainnya di Asia, terutama terkait dengan adanya motif ekspansionis dari negara tersebut. Pada saat ini, China terlibat dalam sengketa teritorial di Laut China Selatan dengan lima negara Asia lainnya. China memiliki klaim kedaulatan terhadap keseluruhan perairan yang memiliki signifikansi geopolitik dan ekonomi tersebut. Namun, meski melakukan peningkatan kapabilitas militernya, China tidak menginisiasi adanya perang teritorial di Laut China Selatan selama hampir dua dekade. Tesis ini berupaya meneliti tentang strategi keamanan China dari tahun 1949 hingga 2012 dengan menggunakan metode kuantitatif. Berdasarkan analisa korelasi variabel power dan strategi keamanan, diketahui bahwasanya China merupakan kekuatan status quo. Seiring dengan peningkatan power negara tersebut, strategi keamanannya memiliki kecenderungan bergerak ke arah yang non-konfrontatif.

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ABSTRACTBased on history, there is a tendency that a rising state behave expansively toward others, such as that carried out by the Germans and Japanese during the World War. Meanwhile, at the present time, China is one of great powers which has experienced growth very rapidly. As the progress in economic and military sectors, the rise of China also has a great influence to the other Asian countries as well, mainly related to its expansionist motives. At the moment, the Chinese are involved in the territorial disputes in South China Sea with five other Asian Countries. China has sovereignty claims over the entire waters which have economic and geopolitical significance. However, despite upgrading its military capability, it does not initiate a territorial war in the South China Sea for nearly two decades. This thesis seeks to examine China’s security strategy from 1949 to 2012 by using quantitative methods. Based on the correlation analysis of power and strategy, it is known that China is a status quo power. Along with the power increase, its strategy has a tendency to move towards a less confrontational approaches."