Hasil Pencarian  ::  Simpan CSV :: Kembali

"Penelitian tentang Brexit ini akan fokus pada pertahanan dan keamanan bagi Inggris dan Uni Eropa (UE). Peran Inggris Raya sangat besar di sektor pertahanan dan keamanan, selain Jerman dan Perancis. Namun, berdasarkan referendum 2016, Inggris Raya memilih keluar dari keanggotaannya di UE.  Metode penelitian akan menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan menggunakan sumber data primer dan sekunder yang diperoleh langsung dari website resmi UE dan data sekunder berupa kajian pustaka, website, journal militer dan wawancara dengan perusahaan-perusahan pendukung Alat Utama Sistem Senjata (alutsita). Kualitatif adalah sebuah metode yang fokus pada deep observation. Oleh sebab itu, penggunaannya dalam penelitian ini diharapkan mempu menghasilkan sebuah kajian terhadap fenomena dengan lebih komprehensif. Penelitian ini dianalisis menggunakan Teori Regional Security Complex (TRSC), milik Barry Buzan & Ole Waver dan Teori Security Dilemma (John H. Herz). TRSC ini digunakan untuk menganalisa potensi ancaman keamanan dan pertahanan di kawasan UE. Sedangkan, Teori Security Dilemma digunakan untuk menganalisis antisipasi Inggris dalam sektor pertahanan dan keamanan. Diharapkan dapat ditemukan maksud Inggris keluar dari UE dan antisipasinya dalam sektor pertahanan dan keamanan. Penelitian ini telah berhasil merangkum tindakan dan antisipasi pemerintah UK dalam menghadapi Brexit dan membuat gambaran umum Langkah-langkah UE tanpa Inggris.

---

This research on Brexit will focus on defense and security for the UK and the European Union (EU). Great Britain has a very large role in the defense and security sector, in addition to Germany and France. However, based on the 2016 referendum, the UE opted out of membership in the EU. The research will use qualitative methods by using data primary and secunder sources obtained directly from the official website of the EU and secondary data in the form of literature reviews, as well as websites, military journals, and interviews with several companies supporting the Main Tools Weapon System. Qualitative is a method with a foucus on in-depth observation. Therefoe, the use of this reseach can result in a more comprehensvise study of a phenomenon, especially the observation of phenomena. This research was analyzed using Regional Security Complex Theory (Barry Buzan & Ole Waver) and Security Dilemma Theory (John H. Herz). Regional Security theory is used to analyze potential threats to the security and defense of the European Union. Meanwhile, the Security Dilemma Theory is used to analyze the UK’s anticipation in the defense and security sector. It is hoped that the UK’s intention to leave the EU can be found and its anticipation in the defense and security sector. This research has succeeded in summarizing the actions and anticipations of the UK government in the face of Brexit and creating an overview of the EU's steps without UK."

"Europe's attempts to be able to be more independent on security and defense areas have been started since it tried to create EDC 1950's as the first security cooperation. Though EDC was never formally conceived, Europe has continued its efforts to develop cooperations in security and defense areas. Fouchet Plan, EPC, SEA and CFSP are several examples of its efforts attempted to be independent in these areas. CFSP is one of Europe's greatest innovations in strengtening these efforts. Specific articles in Treaty of Maastricht and Treaty of Amsterdam state that CFSP is the guidelines of mapping Europe's common security policy that will lead to common defense. What is stated by the articles is ambiguous as Europe up to now is still dependent on NATO/the US and will continously do so, in contrary Europe has EU/WEU which has been determined as an organization that will implement EU's defense policies.

This thesis tries to find out which security organization Europe will later use as its main security instrument and whether Europe actually aims at common defense or merely at common defense policy. This thesis concludes that EU will combine the usage of EU/WEU and NATO. NATO will remain to be Europe's military defense organization and EU/WEU will develop to be the organization that will ensure the security of Europe. This is a fact of the attainment of common defense policy in regard that the formation of European Army, as a form of common defense, is not viable. The establishment of a common defense requires radical adaptations and changes, for instance, EU has to construct the Europe's Ministry of Defense, European Minister of Defense and European Army. CFSP/ESDP will continue to develop and to determine resolutions on Europe's security cooperations. As long as the three EU core states (England, Germany and France) maintains diverse perpectives on common security and defense concepts, Europe will remain dependent on those two organizations (EU/WEU and NATO)."

"Multilingualism in EU is a state of affairs emerged as a range of different languages encounter one another. The history of European integration and the course of language policy in EU show that there is no policy on the language of EU. Issues related to language regulate themselves to practical tenets. This is what is identified as laissez-faire policy model. The putting into practice of this laissez-faire policy model in EU has significant implications to French language. They are closely correlated with the question of power. France, as a member-state having a vital role and strong leadership character in integration, perceives this circumstance as a form of threat against the strength and the popularity of its language.Situations of multilingualism and language policy belong to one theoretical framework of sociolinguistics study and come into surface alongside political thinking_ One of the sociolinguistics scholars is Pierre Bourdieu, who suggests diverse concepts; among them are champ, capital, habitus, ilhrsio, libido and symbolique violance. Bourdieu develops sociology theory and associates it with other studies, such as media, literature, and politics. The study on Ianguage policy in ELI in this thesis applies the approaches put forward by Bourdieu. EU has been an arena of political interest struggle (champ) to two key member states i.e. France and the UK. Both states engage in the champ and draw on different capital. Language policy is the primary factor determining the dissemination and reinforcement of French language. France has vigorously promoted its language by employing massive policies on language and culture. Nevertheless, the results of these efforts cannot go beyond the popularity of English in EU, which in this case is influenced by the factors of economy, culture, and politics.There is in fact another factor that determines the dissemination and reinforcement of English language, i.e_ the factor of the U.S. soft power. This thesis uses the concepts of power proposed by Joseph Nye Jr as well. Nye Jr defines soft power as an ability to gain what is desired by means better than force or money. English has ties to the economic system and global network dominated by the U.S. English itself is an integral part of globalization. The power of globalization becomes a habitus which at the end supports the dissemination and reinforcement of English language. The government of the UK does not need to carry out massive efforts similar to the ones done by the French government to elevate its language on top of language hierarchy. If hierarchy of language is regarded as something that is proper and natural, the acknowledgment of one single dominant language will easily take place. English will easily become the lingua franca of EU. EU's language policy which regulates to practical tenets will turn English into the de facto dominant language. This condition can eventually deteriorate EU's slogan of united in diversity_ The challenge for EU now lies on the ways of how to manage and regulate issues concerning language to strengthen the slogan without having to diminish the national identity of its member states."

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis implikasi politik dan dampak ekonomi yang muncul akibat pengenaan sanksi oleh Uni Eropa kepada Rusia pada kerja sama energi nuklir Uni Eropa-Rusia (2013-2018). Pada tahun 2014 Krimea menyatakan mengintegrasikan diri ke Federasi Rusia, dan menyatakan memisahkan diri dari Ukraina. Rusia menerima Krimea, meskipun Rusia dan Ukraina telah menandatangani Budapest Memorandum tahun 1994 tentang jaminan atas pengakuan wilayah Ukraina. Tindakan politik tersebut mendapat respons dari aliansi negara-negara Barat yang terdiri dari Amerika Serikat, Kanada, Uni Eropa, Australia dan Jepang dengan cara mengenakan sanksi terhadap Rusia. Pemberian sanksi diplomatik dan sanksi ekonomi tersebut tampaknya tidak berlaku untuk sektor-sektor lainnya, diantaranya dalam bidang kerjasama energi nuklir. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan dukungan data primer dan sekunder. Dalam penelitian ini dipertanyakan mengapa sanksi Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia secara politik berimplikasi pada kebijakan kerja sama di bidang energi nuklir pada tahun 2014, serta bagaimana dampak ekonomi yang ditimbulkan dalam bidang kerja sama energi nuklir di Rusia setelah tindakan pembatasan oleh EU pada tahun 2014. Analisis pembahasan tentang permasalahan tersebut akan dilakukan dengan menggunakan Organization Process Paradigm, International Sanction Theory, dan Regional Security Complex Theory. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa implikasi politik yang ada pada pengenaan tindakan pembatasan atau sanksi Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia ialah karena adanya sifat ketergantungan yang besar terhadap bahan bakar nuklir Rusia oleh Uni Eropa, sedangkan dampak ekonomi yang muncul ialah menurunnya angka neraca perdagangan energi nuklir Rusia terhadap Uni Eropa akibat proyek diversifikasi nuklir Eropa (ESSANUF).

---

The objective of this research is to analyzed the political implications and the economic impact that appears as a result of imposed sanctions by the European Union toward Russia on the nuclear energy cooperation between European Union and Russia (2013-2018). In 2014 Crimea stated themselves to integrate with the Russian Federation, and seceded from Ukraine. Russia accept Crimea, even though Russia and Ukraine had signed the Budapest Memorandum in 1994 regarding the assurance of the Ukraine territory recognition. The political action got the respond from the Western Alliance which consist of the United States of America, Canada, European Union, Australia and Japan by imposed sanctions toward Russia. Those diplomatic and economic sanctions are likely not applicable to the other sectors, for instance in the field of nuclear energy cooperation.

This research used a qualitative method which supported by primary and secondary data. This research questioned why did the European Union's economic sanctions toward Russia politically implicated with the nuclear energy cooperation policy in 2014, and how did the economic impact which inflicted in the field of nuclear energy cooperation in Russia after the restrictive measures taken by European Union in 2014.

The discussion part of this research will be conducted with the Organization Process Paradigm, International Sanction Theory, and the Regional Security Complex Theory. This research found that the political implications which exist in the European Unions's restrictive measures or sanctions is because of the large dependency nature of the European Union toward the Russian nuclear fuel, at the same time the economic impact which appear is the decline of the Russian nuclear energy trade balance toward European Union as a result of the European Supply of Safe Nuclear Fuel project (ESSANUF). "

"ABSTRAKBanyak kekhawatiran bahwa keputusan tersebut akan membahayakan kegiatan bisnis global karena peraturan baru yang akan dihasilkan dari Brexit. Dari sudut pandang kapitalis, terutama industri penerbangan Inggris, Brexit berpotensi mengganggu operasi dan kelangsungan banyak maskapai dari Inggris. Perubahan regulasi penerbangan akan berdampak negatif pada sebagian besar maskapai penerbangan karena biaya yang harus dikeluarkan untuk beradaptasi dengan perubahan ini. Dampak potensial lainnya terhadap industri penerbangan berasal dari sektor keuangan. Mata uang Poundsterling yang melemah sebagai dampak dari Brexit juga dapat merugikan industri penerbangan di Inggris. Brexit kemungkinan besar akan mengganggu operasi banyak maskapai penerbangan yang beroperasi antara Inggris dan Uni Eropa. Pihak yang diprediksi akan paling terpengaruh adalah maskapai penerbangan bertarif rendah LCC sementara maskapai besar lainnya masih bisa beradaptasi dengan perubahan tersebut. Negosiasi antara maskapai penerbangan dan lembaga pemerintah harus dilakukan untuk menciptakan solusi dari fenomena Brexit ini.

---

ABSTRACTThe decision by The United Kingdom to leave the European Union EU has sparked many controversies globally. Many fears that the decision will harm global business activities due to the new regulations that will result from the exit. From the capitalist point of view, especially the British aviation industry, Brexit may potentially disrupt the operations and continuity of many airlines from the UK. The change in airline regulations will have a negative impact on most of the airlines due to the costs they have to incur to adapt to these changes. Other potential impact to the aviation industry comes from the financial sector. The weakening British Pounds that results from Brexit could also disadvantage the aviation industry. Brexit will most likely disrupt the operations of many airlines that operate between the UK and EU. The most affected airlines would be the low-cost carriers LCC while other bigger airlines could still adapt to the changes. Negotiations between the airlines and government institutions must take place in order to create a solution. Keywords:Brexit, aviation industry, capitalist, European Union, British Pounds, requlations, financial sector "

"Tesis ini membahas tentang kajian strategi Hungaria dalam hubungannya dengan Rusia pada konteks sanksi Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia. Sanksi tersebut diperpanjang berkali-kali sampai Juli 2020. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep keamanan energi dan teori diplomasi energi melalui perspektif state dan non-state actor untuk menganalisis isu tersebut. Penelitian ini menggunakan mix methods dengan desain triangulasi konkuren yang menggunakan studi pustaka, literatur, dokumentasi atau observasi yang dibatasi oleh rentan waktu adanya sanksi Uni Eropa kepada Rusia. Penelitian ini menemukan 4 faktor keamanan energi Hungaria yang menjadi alasan kuat mengapa bekerjasama dengan Rusia ditengah sanksi Uni Eropa. Selain itu, Penelitian ini juga mengungkapkan peran penting Perusahaan milik Rusia dalam menyukseskan keberhasilan kerjasama dalam sektor energi. Faktor kerjasama keamanan energi dapat mempererat hubungan baik antara Hungaria dengan Rusia ditengah konflik sanksi Uni Eropa. Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk melihat bagaimana eratnya hubungan antara Hungaria dengan Rusia di era sekarang serta hubungannya Uni Eropa sebagai anggota sejak 2004. Selain itu, penelitian ini juga melihat kebijakan Hungaria dalam mendiversifikasi keamanan energi negaranya untuk kepentingan serta contoh pola kebijakan untuk negara eropa lainnya.

---

This thesis discusses the study of Hungary's strategy in relation to Russia in the context of European Union sanctions against Russia. The sanctions were extended several times until July 2020. This study uses the concept of energy security and energy diplomacy theory through the perspective of state and non-state actors. This study uses mixed-methods with concurrent triangulation design that uses literature studies, literature, documentation, or observations that are limited by the timeframe of the EU sanctions against Russia. This study finds 4 factors of Hungarian energy security which are strong reasons for cooperating with Russia in the midst of European Union sanctions. In addition, this study also reveals the important role of Russian-owned companies in the success of cooperation in the energy sector. The energy security cooperation factor can strengthen good relations between Hungary and Russia amid the European Union sanctions conflict. This study was conducted to see how close the relationship between Hungary and Russia is in the present era and the relationship between the European Union as a member since 2004. In addition, this study also looks at Hungary's policy in diversifying its country's energy security for the benefit and examples of policy patterns for other European countries."

"Tesis ini berfokus pada fenomena keluarnya Ingris dari Uni Eropa Brexit . Dalam fenomena ini terjadi persaingan diskursif antara Remain vs Leave. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori pemosisian dengan asumsi dasar bahwa diskursus adalah variabel utama yang disosialisasikan oleh agen sehingga menjadi sebuah realita sosial. Kemenangan diskursif ditentukan dalam tiga variabel kelayakan: Kelayakan Referensi, Kelayakan Sistemik dan Kelayakan Sosial. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode process tracing dan telaah wacana untuk melihat proses deepening Inggris ke Uni Eropa.. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa persaingan diskursif ini dimenangkan oleh agen yaitu kelompok leave yang menginterpretasikan bahwa identias nasional Inggris tidak kompatibel dengan identitas Uni Eropa dan memunculkan kegagalan proses deepening pada integrasi Inggris dengan Uni Eropa. Meskipun secara kuantitatif diskursus kelompok remain lebih unggul sampai periode sebelum referendum variabel kelayakan referensi , namun pada akhirnya kelompok leave secara kelayakan sistemik lebih dapat mendistribusikan diskursusnya untuk menjangkau ke masyarakat. Dalam variabel kelayakan sosial, kelompok leave juga lebih unggul karena diskursusnya lebih dapat diterima di masyarakat. Penelitian ini menyumbang pada studi tentang regionalisme yang memberikan pemahaman bahwa dinamika yang terjadi dalam institusi regional tidak hanya bisa meluas expand , tetapi juga bisa menyusut shrink . Isu Brexit menjadi penting karena belum pernah ada negara mengambil sikap untuk keluar dari institusi maju seperti Uni Eropa.

---

This thesis focuses on the phenomenon of Britain leaving the European Union Brexit. The phenomenon refers to the discursive competition between the two parties Remain vs. Leave. This research uses positioning theory with the basic assumption that discourse is the main variable which is socialized by agent and it transcends into a social reality. Discursive victory itself is determined in three eligibility indicators Referential Adequacy, Systematic Adequacy and Social Adequacy. This research applies process tracing and discourse analysis method to examine the deepening process of UK to the European Union. The result of this study indicates that the discursive competition won by the agent of the Leave group which interpreted UK national identity was not compatible with the EU identity and led to the failure of a deepening process on British integration to the EU. Quantitatively, based on the Referential Adequacy indicator, the discourse of the Remain group is higher than the Leave group especially in the final weekend before the referendum. However, based on Systematic Adequacy indicator, the Leave group is more successful in distributing its discourse to reach out to the people. Last, the Leave group is also winning because based on Social Adequacy indicator the discourse is more acceptable in society. This research contributes to the study of regionalism which provides an understanding that the dynamics within regional institutions not only can expand, but also shrink. The issue of brexit is important, because no country has ever taken the stance to get out of an advanced institution like the European Union. "

"ABSTRAKHubungan Turki dan Uni Eropa dapat dilihat dalam dua tahapan, yaitu pra 1995 dan pasca 1995. Pada periode pra 1995 terkenal dengan periode hubungan konfliktual antara Turki dan Uni Eropa karena berbagai perang terjadi di wilayah Eropa dan menyertakan Turki. Sementara itu, pada periode pasca 1995, Turki dan Uni Eropa mulai untuk membangun hubungan yang lebih bersifat kerjasama. Dalam periode ini juga terjadi dua hubungan yang unik, yaitu hubungan menguntungkan dalam bidang keamanan, ekonomi, dan sosial budaya antara Turki dan Uni Eropa yang dibersamai terdapat hubungan yang tidak menguntungkan terjadi antara kedua pihak terutama dalam isu keanggotaan Turki di Uni Eropa. Keunikan dari hubungan Turki dan Uni Eropa menjadi fokus utama dalam penelitian ini. Penulis akan menggunakan metode kualitatif berupa studi kasus. Teori yang digunakan adalah Teori Interdependen karya Joseph S. Nye. Berdasarkan metode dan teori tersebut, penulis menemukan bahwa pola hubungan saling ketergantungan dalam bidang keamanan dan ekonomi menjadi alasan terbentuknya keunikan dari hubungan Turki dan Uni Eropa tersebut. Dalam bidang keamanan, penulis menemukan bahwa Uni Eropa lebih bergantung kepada Turki. Sedangkan dalam bidang ekonomi, penulis menemukan bahwa Turki lebih bergantung kepada Uni Eropa. Keunggulan dari masing-masing pihak yang kemudian membentuk hubungan saling ketergantungan antara Turki dan Uni Eropa. Temuan ini diharapkan mampu menjadi langkah awal bagi para peneliti selanjutnya untuk mempelajari lebih jauh hubungan antara Turki dan Uni Eropa.

---

ABSTRACTTurkey European Union EU relations can be separated into two stages, namely pre and post 1995. The pre 1995 period is known as the period of conflictual relations between Turkey and the EU because of the various wars that occurred in the European region which involved Turkey. However, in the post 1995 period, Turkey and the EU began to build a more cooperative relationship. In this period, there were also two unique relationships an advantageous relationship in the security, economic, and socio cultural fields between Turkey and the EU, and a disadvantageous relationship between the two parties, especially on the issue of Turkey rsquo s potential membership of the EU. The uniqueness of Turkey EU relations is the main focus of this study. This study uses qualitative methods and case studies. The theory used is Joseph S. Nye rsquo s Interdependent Theory. Based on these methods and theories, it has been found that the pattern of interdependence in security and economics is the reason for the uniqueness of Turkey EU relations. In the field of security, the EU is more dependent on Turkey than Turkey is on the EU. While in the economic field, Turkey is more dependent on the EU. The advantages for each party form an interdependent relationship between Turkey and the EU. These findings are expected to be a first step for future researchers to learn more about the relationship between Turkey and the EU."

"Masalah yang dikaji dalam penelitian ini adalah Peran PT Pindad dalam pemenuhan Senjata TNI AD untuk mendukung Pertahanan dan Keamanan, tujuan dari penulisan tesis ini adalah untuk mengetahui produk senjata yang mampu dihasilkan dan tingkat produktivitas dalam menghasilkan produk tersebut untuk menunjang pemenuhan TNI AD serta bagaimana peran PT Pindad dalam meningkatkan kemampuan pertahanan dan Keamanan melalui produksi senjata untuk TNI AD. Keikutsertaan Indonesia khususnya TNI AD dalam kompetisi ASEAN Armies Rifle Meet (AARM) yang diselenggarakan sejak tahun 1991 hingga 2019 telah mencatatkan Indonesia sebagai Juara 13 kali. Hal ini dapat diartikan bahwa Indonesia berusaha mempertahankan posisi juaranya sebesar 46,43% dari total kejuaraan yang diikuti, dalam hal ini jelas produk dalam negeri PT Pindad mampu bersaing secara internasional. Arah kebijakan PT PINDAD dalam pemenuhan senjata khususnya untuk TNI AD dilaksanakan atas dasar konsep pertahanan berbasis kemampuan dengan mempertimbangkan kemungkinan ancaman yang akan dihadapi serta kecenderungan perkembangan lingkungan strategis, pelaksanaannya diarahkan kepada tercapainya kekuatan Minimum Essensial Force (MEF). Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Data diperoleh melalui wawancara praktis dengan beberapa sumber Selain itu, data sekunder diperoleh dari hasil penelusuran dari buku, jurnal, dokumen resmi, website resmi dan sumber terpercaya lainnya. Hasil penelitian adalah untuk mengetahui peran PT Pindad dalam pemenuhan kebutuhan senjata TNI AD, apalagi jika didukung dengan kebijakan dan komitmen yang sejalan dengan TNI untuk memenuhi kebutuhan senjata TNI AD.

---

The problem examined in this research is the role of PT Pindad in fulfilling the Indonesian Army's (TNI AD) weapon requirements to support defense and security. The objective of this thesis is to determine the weapon products that PT Pindad is capable of producing and the level of productivity in producing these products to support the fulfillment of the Indonesian Army's needs, as well as to understand PT Pindad's role in enhancing defense and security capabilities through weapon production for the Indonesian Army. Indonesia's participation, particularly the Indonesian Army's participation, in the ASEAN Armies Rifle Meet (AARM) competition held from 1991 to 2019 has resulted in Indonesia winning the championship 13 times. This can be interpreted as Indonesia's efforts to maintain its champion position, which accounts for 46.43% of the total championships participated in. In this regard, it is evident that PT Pindad's domestic products are able to compete internationally. PT Pindad's policy direction in fulfilling weapons, especially for the Indonesian Army, is implemented based on the capability-based defense concept, considering the potential threats to be faced and the trends in strategic environments. Its implementation is directed towards achieving the Minimum Essential Force (MEF). This research is conducted using a qualitative approach. Data is obtained through practical interviews with several sources. Additionally, secondary data is obtained from the exploration of books, journals, official documents, official websites, and other reliable sources. The research findings aim to determine PT Pindad's role in meeting the Indonesian Army's weapon needs, particularly when supported by policies and commitments that are aligned with the Indonesian Army's requirements."

"Kebijakan keamanan nasional Indonesia yang telah berorientasi terhadap ancaman dari luar dan cenderung mengabaikan keberadaan keamanan individu. Mengingat keberadaan ancaman invasi militer dari negara Iain sejak berakhirnya Perang Dingin telah berkurang atau bahkan tidak ada, justru ancaman terhadap keamanan nasional muncul dari beberapa sektor lain di Iuar militer, seperti masalah lingkungan dan sosial.Penerapan Doktrin Sishankamrata sebagai landasan dalam upaya melakukan pertahanan negara, memberikan kemungkinan terjadinya pelanggaran terhadap hukum humaniter dan prinsip perang yang adil.Permasalahan yang diangkat dalam penelitian ini adalah, apakah Doktrin Sishankamrata memberikan perlindungan terhadap keamanan manusia? Sejauh manakah permasalahan-permasalahan non-combatant timbul dalam perang rakyat semesta?Untuk menjawab pokok permasalahan di atas, penelitian ini menggunakan pemikiran-pemikiran tentang Keamanan Nasional (Joseph S. Nye, Jr., HJ . Morgenthau) dan Keamanan Manusia (Barry Buzan, J. Ann Tickner, Ole Weaver) melalui sudut pandangan Hukum Humaniter dan Perang yang Adil (Michael Walzer, Liebe C. Greene) melalui metode kulitatif sebagai pilihan cara dalam memahami pemaknaan keamanan nasional Indonesia.Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pada penerapan perang semesta yang terjadi di Bosnia-Herzegovina, menunjukkan bahwa perang semesta telah mengaburkan prinsip diskriminasi yang mengharuskan pembedaan antara combatant dan non-combatant. Begitu pula dalam penerapan Doktrin Sishankamrata dalam konflik internal (Timor-Timur, Aceh dan Papua) yang terjadi di Indonesia, yang menyebabkan terjadinya konflik horizontal dalam masyarakat.Implikasi teoritik dari penelitian ini adalah bahwa teori Keamanan Nasional dalam pemikiran tradisional (dengan penekanan pada state centric) seperti yang diimplementasikan dalam Perang Semesta dan Doktrin Sishankamrata tidak sejalan dengan hukum humaniter dan prinsip perang yang adil, baik prinsip jus ad helium maupun jus in bella. Seperti yang ditunjukkan dalam kasus Bosnia-Herzegovina dan konflik internal di Indonesia (Timor Timur, Aceh dan Papua).

---

Indonesian National Security Policy until today is still orienting through external threat and tends to ignore the existence of individual security. Considering that the existence of military invasion threat irom other countries since the end of Cold War had been reduced or even disappeared, but threat of National Security is occur from many other sectors outside military such as environment and social problem.

The implementation of SISHANKAMRATA Doctrine as a guideline in country defense causes acts against humanitarian law and just war principle.

The issue which want to be taken up in this research is Does SISHANKAMRATA Doctrine give protection for human security? How far the non-combatant issues occur within the total war?

To answer the main problems above, this research is using many thoughts pertaining National Security (Joseph S. Nye, Jr., HJ. Morgenthau) and Human Security (Barry Buzan, J. Ann Tickner, Ole Weaver) through Humanitarian Law and Just War (Michael Walzer, Liebe C. Greene) perspectives and using qualitative method in order to understand Indonesian National Security.

The result of this research shows that the implementation of total war in Bosnia- Herzegovina had made unclear discrimination principle which supposed to make separation between combatants with non-combatant. This also happened to the implementation of SIS TA Doctrine in internal conflict (East Timor, Aceh and Papua) in Indonesia which caused the occurrence of horizontal conflict within the society.

Theoretical implication in this research is that National Security Theory in traditional thought (emphasizing to state centric) as what had been implemented in Total War and SISHANKAMRATA Doctrine, were not the same with Humanitarian Law and Just War principle, in jus ad bellum principle or even in jus in bella, as what had been shown in Bosnia-Herzegovina case and internal conflict in Indonesia (East Timor, Aceh and Papua)."