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"Penelitian ini akan membahas mengenai peran perempuan dalam berpolitik di Kuwait. Keterlibatan perempuan dalam berpolitik sudah banyak menjadi perbincangan hangat di masa kini. Saat ini banyak perempuan yang berlomba-lomba untuk menduduki pemerintahan. Walaupun, perempuan di Kuwait telah mendapatkan hak politik mereka pada 2005, tetapi terdapat ketidakstabilan dalam keterlibatan mereka di dalam berpolitik dan menduduki jabatan parlemen. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah menjelaskan bagaimana keterlibatan perempuan dalam politik di Kuwait serta mengetahui orientasi masyarakat terhadap kandidat politik. Pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode studi kepustakaan dengan sumber data penelitian adalah berbagai literatur seperti buku, artikel, dan jurnal. Landasan teori dalam penelitian ini adalah peran perempuan dalam politik. Dalam penelitian ini ditemukan bahwa pemerintahan Kuwait telah melibatkan kaum perempuan dalam bidang politik, tetapi keadaannya mereka masih kurang mewakili di parlemen. meskipun demikian perempuan Kuwait diberikan kebebasan untuk bersuara dan menyampaikan pendapatnya yang artinya mereka dapat memilih anggota perlemen. mereka juga diperbolehkan untuk mengambil alih posisi militer tertentu karena undang-undang kesetaraan gender yang menegaskan perlindungan hak-hak perempuan dalam berbagai situasi. Karena hal tersebut pandangan masyarakat Kuwait terhadap perempuan meningkat dengan baik. Penelitian ini diharapkan dapat memberikan kontribusi secara teoritis terhadap perkembangan ilmu pengetahuan budaya dan politik.

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This research will discuss the role of women in politics in Kuwait. The involvement of women in politics has become a subject of debate, even today. Nowadays, many women are vying for government positions. Although women in Kuwait obtained their political rights in 2005, there is still instability in their involvement in politics and occupying parliamentary positions. The purpose of this study is to explain how women are involved in politics in Kuwait and to find out the orientation of society toward political candidates. The approach used in this research is a qualitative approach with the method being literature study and with the research data sources being various literature such as books, articles, and journals. The theoretical basis of this research is the role of women in politics. In this study, it was found that the government of Kuwait has involved women in politics, but their situation is unfortunately still underrepresented in parliament. Nevertheless, Kuwaiti women are given the freedom to speak and express their opinions, which means they can elect members of parliament. They are also allowed to take over certain military positions due to gender equality laws which affirm the protection of women's rights in various situations. Because of this, the views of the people of Kuwait towards women have improved greatly. This research is expected to contribute theoretically to the development of cultural and political science."

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis peran perempuan di dunia politik yang berdampak pada perubahan sosial budaya di Yordania. Perempuan di Yordania masih relatif sedikit dalam keterlibatan di dunia politik, padahal gerakan feminisme dan kesetaraan gender sudah ada sejak 1974. Pertanyaan yang diangkat dalam penelitian ini yaitu bagaimana peran perempuan di dunia politik berpengaruh dalam perubahan sosial Budaya di Yordania. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif dengan studi pustaka dan teknik wawancara jarak jauh dengan seorang perempuan Yordania. Peneliti menggunakan Teori Feminisme Islam dan Teori Partisipasi Politik. Hasil dari penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa, keterlibatan perempuan di dalam politik di Yordania memang masih relatif rendah, namun telah memberikan dampak signifikan di dalam perubahan sosial budaya. Hal tersebut nampak dari meningkatnya jumlah perempuan terdidik yang pada gilirannya semakin meningkatkan kesadaran perempuan untuk dilibatkan lebih lebih luas di dunia politik. Keterlibatan perempuan di dunia politik juga penting untuk membangun kesadaran perempuan-perempuan Yordania untuk lebih mandiri dan lebih percaya kepada kemampuan mereka sendiri, sehingga dapat turut serta dalam berbagai aktivitas di dunia publik. Namun, perjuangan untuk meningkatkan keterlibatan perempuan di dunia politik masih mendapat tantangan dari norma budaya dan masyarakat Yordania yang patriaki.

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This study aims to analyze the role of women in the world of politics which has an impact on socio-cultural changes in Jordan. Women in Jordan are still relatively few involved in politics, even though the feminist movement and gender equality have existed since 1974. The question raised in this research is how the role of women in politics influences socio-cultural changes in Jordan. The method used is a qualitative method with literature study and remote interview techniques with a Jordanian woman. This study uses Islamic Feminist Theory and Political Participation Theory. The results of this study conclude that, women's involvement in politics in Jordan is still relatively low, but has had a significant impact on socio-cultural changes. This can be seen from the increasing number of educated women which in turn has increased women's awareness to be involved more broadly in the world of politics. The involvement of women in the world of politics is also important to build the awareness of Jordanian women to be more independent and have more confidence in their own abilities, so they can participate in various activities in the public world. However, the struggle to increase women's involvement in politics is still being challenged by cultural norms and Jordan's patriarchal society."

"Penelitian dalam Tesis ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui peran perempuan dalam politik di Timur Tengah pada umumnya dan secara khusus di Mesir, karena Mesir sebagai yang terdepan terhadap adanya pemberian peran politik perempuan di kawasan negara Timur Tengah, hal ini disebabkan adanya undang-udang yang mensupport kegiatan politik perempuan. Penulis berusaha menganalisa mengapa peran politik perempuan khususnya di Mesir dan di wilayah Timur Tengah umumnya masih menjadi kontroversi dan faktor apa saja yang menyebabkan terjadinya kontroversi mengenai peran politik perempuan tersebut, serta bagaimana prospek dan permasalahannya pada masa mendatang.Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan memakai metode studi Kasus. Temuan penelitian ini antara lain berdasarkan fakta historis, keikutsertaan perempuan dalam lapangan politik di kawasan Timur Tengah merupakan suatu realita bahwa peran politik mengalami indikasi peningkatan. Selain ditemukan juga bahwa gerakan Feminis di Timur Tengah diwakili oleh Mesir.Penelitian ini menjelaskan juga tentang peran politik perempuan, walaupun masih ada sebagian kelompok yang tidak menyetujui terhadap peran politik perempuan. Akan tetapi, Gerakan kelompok/iindividu yang memperjuangkan hak-hak politik perempuan semakin mengalami peningkatan, beberapa nama yang patut disebut adalah diantaranya: Nawal el-Shadawi, Huda Sya'rawi, dan yang saat ini sedang mengemuka adalah Lady First Mesir, yakni :Suzan Mubarak. Pada intinya, kehadiran peran politik perempuan dalam Parlemen Mesir masih sangat minim sekali, hal ini terbukti belum terpenuhinya kuota yang diberikan oleh pemerintah Mesir bagi perempuan. Tentu saja minimnya peran tersebut dikarenakan ada sejumlah kendala yang menghadang bagi keberhasilan peran politik perempuan tersebut. Sehingga untuk mengatasinya diperlukan mekanisme-mekanisme tertentu.Keberhasilan peran politik perempuan di Mesir dan kawasan Timur Tengah diantaranya ditandai dengan turut berpartisipasinya para perempuan untuk ikut ambil bagian dalam pemilu di Mesir, serta ditandai pula adanya keterwakilan peran perempuan dalam memainkan politiknya tidak hanya sebatas di parlemen saja, akan tetapi juga di lembaga eksekutif dan bidang lainnya. Sementara, masa depan peran politik perempuan sangat tergantung kepada kaum perempuan itu sendiri, mengingat masih banyaknya agenda permasalahan yang terkait erat dengan peran dan partisipasi politik perempuan, oleh karenanya perlu ada peningkatan secara simultan terhadap sumber daya kaum perempuan dalam segala bidang, tanpa terkecuali pemberdayaan di bidang politik.

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The study in this thesis is aiming at knowing women roles in politics in Middle East in general and in particular in Egypt, as Egypt as is the frontline in giving woman political roles in the Middle East countries, it is because there legislations supporting the woman political activities. The writer tries to analyze why woman political roles especially in Egypt and in Middle East region generally have been in controversies and what factors causing the controversies concerning the woman political roles, and how the prospect and the problems in the future.

This study uses the qualitative approach by using case study method. The findings of this study among them is that based on the historical facts, the woman participation in political filed in the Middle East region represents a reality that the political roles are experiencing an improved indication. In addition, the finding also that the feminist movement in Middle East represented by Egypt.

This study also explains concerning political roles of woman. though still there is a part of groups who disagree to woman political roles. However, the group/individual movement in struggle for the woman political rights is increasingly improved, some name worth to mention among them such as Nawal el-Shadawi, Huda Sya'rawi, and at present the outstanding one is Egypt Lady First, Suzan Mubarak. The point is, the presence of woman political roles in Egypt Parliament is still very minimum, it is proven by the unmeet quota given by Egypt administration for woman. Certainly the minimum roles caused by several constraints deter for the success of woman political roles. So in order to solve it requires certain mechanism.

The success of woman politics in Egypt and Middle East region among them is indicated by the participation of women to take part in the election in Egypt, and also indicated by the representation of woman roles in playing their political roles not limited only in parliament, but also in executives and other areas. Whereas, the future of political roles of woman is highly depend on the women themselves, considering many agenda of issues closely related to the roles and participation of woman politics, therefore it demands the simultaneous improvement to the woman resources in all respects, without exception to the empowerment in politics."

"Dengan di sahkannya Undang-Undang No 31 Tahun 200.2 tentang Partai Politik dan Undang Undang No 12 Tahun 2003 tentang Pemilihan Umum dapat memperluas partisipasi politik perempuan. Salah satu sarana untuk memperluas partisipasi politik adalah melalui partai politik. Atas dasar itu penelitian ini ingin mengetahui sejauh mana PERAN PARTAI POLITIK DALAM PERLUASAN PARTISIPASI POLITIK PEREMPUAN UNTUK MENINGKATKAN KETAHANAN NASIONAL dengan tujuan untuk menggambarkan kedudukan dan peran perempuan dalam parpol dan lembaga legislatif, memberi gambaran sejauh mana parpol membuka peluang perempuan menjadi anggota legislatif dan pengurus parpol, menguraikan kendala-kendala yang dihadapi dan strategi yang digunakan untuk memperluas partisipasi politik perempuan serta melihat pengaruh terhadap ketahanan nasional.Penelitian ini dilakukan di DPP Partai terbesar dalam Pemilu 2004, yaitu Partai Golkar, PDI-Perjuangan, PKB, PPP, Partai Demokrat, PAN dan PKS. Metode pengumpulan data yang digunakan adalah wawaneara dengan kader perempuan partai politik, dan pengumpulan data sekunder dari studi pustaka dan data dari lembaga-lembaga yang terkait. Analisa basil penelitian menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif Hasil Penelitian. Pertama kepengurusan di partai politik masih didominasi laid-laid, sedikit sekali perempuan yang menduduki jabatan sebagai pengambil keputusan, sedangkan peran perempuan sangat besar didalam menentukan kemenangan parpol dalam pemilu 2004. Di lembaga legislatif, sebagaian besar anggota legislatif perempuan ditempatkan pada komisi-komisi yang terkait dengan bidang kesejahteraan rakyat dan mereka berperan untuk memperjuangkan kepentingan perempuan dan masyarakat Kedua masih belum optimalnya partai politik memberikan peluang untuk perempuan menjadi anggota lembaga legislatif dan pengurus partai. Ketiga, kendala yang dihadapi dalam memperluas partisipasi politik perempuan adalah : a. faktor internal perempuan sendiri yaitu rendahnya kualitas dan kuantitas SDM kader perempuan, keterbatasan waktu, dan minimnya dana, b. faktor eksternal yaitu adanya keterkaitan dengan budaya patriarkhi, kurangnya kesadaran pemilih perempuan untuk memiliki wakil perempuan dan sistim peilu proporsional terbuka.Strategi yang digunakan untuk mengatasi kendala tersebut adalah meningkatkan kualitas dan kuantitas SDM perempuan, memperkuat organisasi perempuan yang ada, mengadakan hubungan lintas jaringan dengan oraganisasi perempuan diluar partai, membangun akses ke media , melakukan lobying ke para elite partai politik serta sosialisasi dan pendidikan politik ke masyarakat. Perluasan partisipasi politik perempuan melalui keterwakilan perempuan dalam lembaga legislatif dan kepengurusan parpol, akan memperjuangkan peningkatan kesejahteraan masyarakat dari aspek ideologi, sosial, po;itik dan ekonomi yang berdampak pada peningkatan ketahanan nasional.

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The enactment of Laws No. 3112002 on Political Parties and Law No. 121 2003 on General Election may enhance-women's participation in politics. One of the facilities to enlarge the political participation is through political parties. This study is aimed at understanding the ROLE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN ENHANCING WOMEN'S PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS FOR ENHANCING THE NATIONAL RESILIENCE. It is also aimed at illustrating the position and role of women in political parties and legislative bodies, to what extent political parties open opportunities to women to become legislative members and to be engaged in the management of political parties, describing the constraints being faced and strategies used for enlarging the women's participation in politics and looking at their effects to the national resilience.

This research was conducted at the Executive Boards of biggest Parties in the 2004 General Election, namely Golkar Party, PDI-P (PDT of Struggle), PKB, PPP, Democrat Party, PAN and PKS. Interviews with female cadres of political parties are used as method for data collection and collection of secondary data from bibliographic study and data from relevant institutions. Analysis of study results uses qualitative descriptive method.Results of Research. First, the management members in political parties are still dominated by men, only a small number of women serve as decision makers, despite the fact that the women's role is highly significant to win the 2004 general election. In legislative bodies, most female legislative members are placed in commissions associated with people's welfare and they have been playing a role in struggling in the women and people's interests. Second, the political parties have not been optimal in giving the opportunities to women to become legislative members and parties' executive members. Third, the constraints faced in enhancing the women's participation in politics are: a. The internal factors of women, i.e. low quality and quantity of female cadres and human resources, time limit, and inadequate funds, b. External factors, i.e. association with patriarchic culture, inadequate awareness of female voters to have female representatives and the open proportional general election system.

The strategies used to solve such constraints are to enhance the quality and quantity of female human resources, to strengthen existing women's organizations, to organize cross-network relation with women's organizations outside parties, to build access to media, to lobby political parties' elites and to promote political socialization and education to the community. Enhancement of women's participation in politics through women's representation in legislative bodies and the executive management of political parties will pave the way for the struggle of enhancing the community's welfare in regard to ideology, social, political and economic aspects which will bring about impact upon the national resilience enhancement."

"Penelitian ini menggambarkan bahwa resistensi perempuan kelas menengah di Jabotabek terhadap terhadap patriarkisme, masih lemah. Hal itu terlihat dari bagaimana kaum perempuan tersebut memberi makna hal-hal yang terkait dengan kondisi internal dan identitas perempuan Indonesia yang berkecimpung dalam dunia politik melalui pemberitaan di media massa. Penelitian yang menggunakan paradigma kritis dan perspektif feminis ini dilakukan dengan tujuan utama untuk memahami bagaimana ibu rumah tangga kelas menengah di Jabotabek memberikan pemaknaan terhadap karir politik Presiden Megawati Soekarnoputri sebagai presiden perempuan pertama di Indonesia dan untuk mengetahui tipe-tipe ibu rumah tangga kelas menengah yang mempunyai pernaknaan dominan, negosiasi, ataupun oposisi. Data primer diperoleh dari wawancara mendalam (in-depth interview) dengan informan ibu rumah tangga yang berasal dari kelas menengah di wilayah Jabotabek. Data sekunder diperoleh melalui analisis wacana Van Dijk terhadap surat kabar (Harian Kompas) tentang perjalanan politik Megawati Soekamoputri. Dengan menggunakan kerangka pemikiran dari kajian budaya (cultural studies), terutama pemikiran dari Stuart Hall mengenai encoding dan decoding (McCullagh, 2002)., penelitian ini diharapkan mampu untuk memberikan sumbangan teoritis pada bidang kajian media dan gender di Indonesia. Hal itu disebabkan, selama ini kajian media dan gender yang melihat dari aspek resepsi khalayak media berjenis kelamin perempuan relatif masih belum banyak dilakukan. Latar belakang dilakukannya penelitian ini, karena masih adanya pandangan yang kuat di masyarakat yang menempatkan kaum perempuan hanya untuk mengurusi suami, anak-anak, memasak, dan aktivitas lain yang berada di lingkungan keluarga. Aktivitas perempuan di luar lingkungan keluarga tersebut, misalnya di lingkungan dunia politik, untuk kondisi negara berkembang semacam Indonesia ini adalah sesuatu yang sangat sulit untuk dibayangkan. Domain politik adalah wilayah laki-laki. Tabu bagi perempuan untuk memasuki domain. Seandainya kaum perempuan berada di dunia politik, maka keberadaan mereka lebih banyak dilihat dari aspek penampilan dan keluarga mereka saja. Keterkaitan politikus perempuan dengan berbagai isu aktual kurang mendapat perhatian serius dari media massa. Bahkan, untuk bisa terlibat secara intens dalam domain politik itu, politisi perempuan harus menstransformasikan dirinya merrjadi ?maskulin? sebagaimana politisi laki-laki. Sementara itu, kaum perempuan itu sendiri dalam posisinya sebagai khalayak media, digambarkan lebih banyak menikmati isi media yang bersifat hiburan saja. Segala informasi yang terkait dengan persoalan konkrit semacam politik, jauh dari eksposure terhadap mereka. Dalam berbagai kajian resepsi ditunjukkan bagaimana dunia perempuan lebih banyak terkait dengan tokoh-tokoh imajinatif belaka dibanding dengan tokoh-tokoh yang konkrit (McRobbie, 1991; Jones dan Jones, 1995; dan Radway, 1995). Menjadi menarik kemudian untuk melihat bagaimana kaum perempuan memberikan makna terhadap tokoh-tokoh perempuan kongkrit dalam posisi mereka sebagai politikus melalui berbagai pemberitaan media massa yang ada. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan adanya resistensi pemaknaan perempuan terhadap hal-hal yang terkait dengan kondisi eksternal Megawati dalam posisinya sebagai presiden perempuan pertama di Indonesia. Hal itu ditunjukkan dengan banyaknya negotiated reading dan critique of silence yang ditunjukkan oleh informan yang ada. Artinya, terhadap berbagai informasi di media massa yang terkait dengan posisi Megawati sebagai presiden, pandangan informan tidak harus setuju sebagaimana ditunjukkan oleh media massa. Hal itu terlihat pada sikap mereka terhadap tanggung jawab Megawati dalam urusan rumah tangganya. Resistensi itu juga muncul dalam melihat aspek internal Megawati yang terkait dengan intelektualitas dan emosionalitasnya. Meskipun, mayoritas informan setuju dengan apa yang disampaikan oleh media massa mengenai intelektualitas dan emosionalitas Megawati, akan tetapi ada juga informan yang mempunyai pandangan sama sekali berbeda dengan apa yang muncul di media massa. Artinya, tidak semua perempuan setuju dengan apa yang disampaikan oleh media massa terkait dengan persoalan kemampuan intelektual dan tingkat emosionalitas Megawati sebagai politikus, wakil presiden, maupun presiden. Tidak adanya resistensi terhadap identitas Megawati sebagai seorang perempuan yang berhasil menjadi politikus menunjukkan bagaimana kekuatan media sebagai instrumen ideologi patriarkisme mempengaruhi pandangan keseluruhan informan. Semua informan sepaham dengan media dalam menghilangkan eksistensi Megawati sebagai seorang perempuan yang berhasil di sektor publik, khususnya domain politik. Mereka sepaham dengan media, bahwa keberhasilan Megawati dalam karir politiknya bukanlah disebabkan oleh kemampuan dirinya sebagai seorang politikus, akan tetapi dikarenakan ia adalah anak Soekarno."

"Alasan untuk menulis judul ini adalah karena masih kurangnya penelitian yang secara spesifik menyorot persoalan perempuan dalam dunia politik Islam, secara lebih spesifik dalam dunia kepartaian Islam di Indonesia, Tulisan ini disusun sebagai hasil analisis penelitian dari 5 partai politik Islam peserta pemilu 2004 di Indonesia dan wawancara yang dilakukan kepada 9 orang subjek penelitian yang terdiri dari politisi perempuan dari kelima partai tersebut. Kelima partai politik Islam yang dimaksud adalah PBB, PPP, PAN, PKB, dan PKS.Terdapat 6 pertanyaan penelitian yang diharapkan dapat dijawab di akhir penelitian ini. Yaitu : (1) Bagaimanakah pandangan yang berkembang di dalam komunitas muslim mengenai perempuan berpolitik? (2) Alasan apa sajakah yang membuat para politisi perempuan ini memilih partai Islam? (3) Seperti apakah representasi perempuan di berbagai partai politik Islam di Indonesia? (4) Bagaimanakah konsep atau pencitraan perempuan yang ditawarkan oleh partai-partai politik ini berdasarkan rumusan platform dan programnya? (5) Apa dampak pencitraan tersebut terhadap berbagai agenda politik perempuan? (6) Bagaimana politisi muslim perempuan memaknai kehadiran mereka di kancah politik melalui partai-partai Islam yang dipilihnya ?Sejumlah konsep yang membabas tentang partai politik Islam, representasi, dan politik Islam mengantarkan berbagai kajian yang dipandang dari beberapa kombinasi teori polar feminis. Representasi politik perempuan tergambarkan dalam jumlah keterwakilan perempuan di dalam partai politik di parlemen, isu-isu dan kepentingan perempuan yang terumuskan dalam agenda, platform, dan program partai; seria penghayatan pribadi subjek sebagai politik yang bertindak "atas nama" dan "untuk kepentingan" kaum perempuan dan sebagai muslim.Dari penelitian ini, penulis menemukan bahwa terdapat 2 jenis kategorisasi partai Islam dalam merespon berbagai persoalan perempuan. Yaitu adanya partai yang merniliki sikap yang limitatif ierhadap hak-hak perempuan yang diwakili oleh partai-partai yang menyebut diri secara formal sebagai partai Islam seperti PBB, PPP, dan PKS. Selain itu juga terdapat partai-partai yang memiliki sikap liberatif terhadap hak-hak perempuan yang dalam hal ini direpresentasikan oleh partai yang bersifat lebih inklusif dalam menafsirkan pemahaman mereka tentang Islam maupun lebih dikategorikan sebagai partai yang mengandalkan basis massa Islam seperti PAN dan PKB. Dan perempuan, selalu berjuang untuk memperbaiki posisi politik maupun menyuarakan berbagai kepentingan mereka melalui strategi pemberdayaan perempuan melalui sayap-sayap organisasi yang dibentuk di dalam partai maupun mencoba menembus batas di lintas partai, tennasuk pada partai-partai yang tidak memiliki kepentingan primordial yang sama pada identitas Islam mereka.

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The reason of choosing this topic is the lack of research which specifically talking about women in Islamic political world, especially in Islamic political parties in Indonesia. This study investigates Islamic political parties which participated in General Election 2004 by interviewing of 9 moslem women politicians from five Islamic parties. who become subjects of the research. Those five parties are: PBB, PPP, PAN , PKS.

There are 6 research questions that I hope will be answered at the end of the research. Those questions are : (I) how are the developing concepts in moslem community about women and politics (2) what are the reason's of Moslem women politician in choosing Islamic political parties (3) how are women represented in Islamic political parties (4) what kind of concept about "women" which are constructed by those parties through their agenda, platform and program (5) what is the impact of that to women political agenda (6) and what the moslem women politicians mean their existence in political world within the political parties they had chooses.

Several concepts which talk about Islamic political party, representation, and Islamic politics have developed several discourses that we can see from the various feminist political theories. Women political representation has been described in the amount of women representation in political parties or as parliament members, in the women issues and interest that will be implemented in the political parties' agendas, platforms, and programs. The reflection of subject as a politician that always "stand for" and "act for" both moslem and women.

From this research, the writer tries to elaborate 2 categories of Islamic political party in responding women issues. First the limitative party in responding women's rights, that are represented by the Islamic political party that call themselves as "Islamic parties" like PBB, PPP, PKS. Second, we can also find the liberalize party in responding women's rights. These kind of parties are represented by the inclusive interpretation of Islam that becomes guidance for party. We can call this type as a moslem organization based party like PAN and PKB. And in those two kinds of party, women try to advocate their interest through raising higher political position, using women's wings of the party as their strategies and engage in inter parties .women network. Including parties without primordial connection to them, in using "Islam? as a political identity."

"Banyaknya calon legislatif (caleg) perempuan gagal masuk ke lembaga legislatif (DPR RI) merupakan kenyataan yang memrihatinkan tentang perempuan di tampuk kekuasaan dan pengambilan keputusan.Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji perjuangan caleg perempuan Indonesia menghadapi hambatan dalam partai dan sistem politik yang berlaku di negeri ini untuk menjadi anggota lembaga legislatif. Penelitian ini juga bertujuan mengungkap implikasi negatif dari UU No.31 tahun 2002 tentang parpol dan UU No.12 tahun 2003 tentang pemilu terhadap perjuangan caleg perempuan, serta memaparkan sikap para caleg perempuan gagal dalam memaknai hambatan dan kegagalan yang mereka hadapi. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif berperspektif perempuan dengan menerapkan teknik pengumpulan data melaiui wawancara mendalam (in-depth interview).Temuan penelitian ini adalah: (1) parpol yang seharusnya menjadi wadah pendukung ternyata tidak berperan efektif dan cenderung menghambat para caleg perempuan dalam perjalanan dan perjuangan menuju ke lembaga legislatif; (2) UU No.31 tahun 2002 tentang parpol dan UU No.12 tahun 2003 tentang pemilu telah berimplikasi negatif terhadap caleg perempuan dalam upaya mereka meraih posisi di lembaga legislatif; (3) kegagalan menjadi anggota lembaga legislatif akibat hambatan dalam parpol dan sistem politik yang diberlakukan, ternyata masih bisa dimaknai secara positif oleh para caleg perempuan subjek penelitian ini. Kegagalan pada pemilu 2004 lalu tidak menyurutkan semangat mereka untuk berjuang lagi meraih posisi kekuasaan di dalam struktur kepengurusan parpol dan di lembaga legislatif pada pemilu mendatang.

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There were many Indonesian woman candidates failed to legislative (parliament) was a fact that showed unlucky condition about woman in the hierarchy of power or the public policy.

This research aimed to examine the struggle or the fight of Indonesian woman for legislative candidates who faced many obstacles in the politic party and the political system which was obtained in this country to become a member of parliament. This research aimed not only uncover negative implication of constitution No.31/2002 about the politic party and constitution No.12/2003 about the general election concerning the fight of woman candidates, but also to explain about the attitude of the failed woman candidates to explain their barriers and failures. This research was based on qualitative approach with woman's perspective and applied data collecting technique by means of in-depth interview.

Finding of the research were: (1) the politic party which had to become a supporting institution exactly had not an effective role and was dispose restricting the efforts of woman candidates to gain their goal to parliament; (2) constitution No.31 /2002 about the politic party and constitution No.12/2003 about the general election had a negative implication to woman candidates; (3) the failure to become a member of parliament caused by politic party and political system apparently still could be positive meaning by woman informants of this research. The failure at the general election in 2004 had not sent down the spirit of the woman candidates to fight again and to obtain the leader position at the structure of politic party and the parliament in the next general election."

"Since antiquity, representation (henceforth: RPT) has been a fundamental concept in aesthetics and semiotics. It has also been a crucial concept in political theory, forming the basics of representational theories of sovereignty, legislative authority and relations of individuals to the state (Lenthriccia, 1990, 11-13).In contemporary theories of RPT, both definitions have intersected. Relationship between language & politics is crucial to much contemporary works on RPT. Recent criticism also focuses on the links between texts and power. All RPTs have, either explicitly or implicitly, a political content. (Childers, 1995: 260-261).RPT has also been an issue of importance for post colonialists and feminists. RPT is an area of contestation between the dominant and the dominated (Ascroft, 1995: 85-87). Hall (1990: 222-237) problematises the concept and relates it to (cultural) identity and speaking position. According to Hall. (cultural) identity is a process, always constituted within RPT, which in turn, produced from a particular speaking position-a particular time and place. van Toorn (1995:1-12) distinguishes two kinds of speaking-position, those are fixed unitary-speaking position and postmodern speaking-position.RPT is a relevant issue in a multicultural and a settlers' community like Australia. The fact that Australia has over a hundred ethnic groups as its population and that since 1973, multiculturalism has been launched to manage migrants' population, does not automatically increase the participation of non-Anglo-Celtic (women) immigrants in political, economic or even in social and cultural arenas. Non-Anglo-Celtic women (henceforth: NAC women) immigrants are still doubly-marginalized. They are invisible and hardly represented in the dominant Anglo-Celtic discourse. They are marginalized in the dominant women's anthologies or also in their own ethnic's (male's) anthologies. When represented, they are -represented stereotypically as the Other, problem, victim or as a threat. And yet, they had contributed quite significantly in the development of (public) services and in manufacturing industry. They also have their own share in promoting Australia as a multicultural society through their cuisine, costume, dancing and other cultural artifacts.However, since the 1970s, the situation has changed gradually with the increasing quantity and quality of multicultural women writers articulating their own (migrant) experiences. In this study, I use the term 'multicultural women-texts' for all kinds of cultural expressions produce} by the NAC women. those are writers or cultural producers coming from outside British, Irish and indigenous backgrounds. The term `multicultural texts' has more positive connotation than migrants' atau ethnic (minority) writings. The term 'ethnic' or 'migrant' is problematic as it has always been associated with socio-historical writings which has no cultural capital and thus, classified as popular or marginal writings. Sneja Gunew is highly critical and suggests that the term should be deconstructed. Therefore, this study uses the term 'multicultural women-texts'.This study on "the politics of representations in multicultural women's discourse in Australia" is therefore based on the following reasons: (i) study about RPT has not iniated in Indonesia and yet, it is an important topic which has gained currency in Australia, (ii) the study on gender and ethnicity is relevant for our national context as Indonesia is multi-ethnic and is still in the process of developing gender-awareness across sectors.The questions formulated in my study are: (i) how are the stereotipic-RPTs on NAG women immigrants constructed through the dominant texts, popular novel They're a Weird Mob (henceforth:TWM), images from Immigrants in Focus (henceforth: IMF) and from For Love or Money (henceforth:FLM), Pauline Hanson's Maiden Speech(henceforth: PI-I) and through the multicultural women-texts, confession Give Me Strength(henceforth: GMS) and film Silver-City (henceforth: SC), (ii) how both experimental and transgressive multicultural women-texts Oh Lucky Country (henceforth:OLC) and Red Roses (henceforth: RR) re-construct alternative RPT which in turn, interrogate the previous stereotypic RPT of NAC women immigrants, constructed through the above six texts.Therefore, the purposes of the study are (i) to identify and to formulate the stereotypic RPTs of NAC women immigrants through the dominant Anglo-Celtic texts, TWM, IMF, FLM, PH and through multicultural women-texts, GMS and SC, (ii) to elaborate how transgressive multicultural women-texts, OLC and RR deconstruct the stereotipic RPT of NAC women and thus, re-construct the alternative RPTof an independent, assertive and sexually-liberated persona in OLC and of a feminin and cosmopolitan persona in RR.The fact that multicultural women-texts is still considered as marginal and the fact that this study uses different kinds of cultural products-popular novel, parliamentary speech, images, confession, film and highly experimental novels, it inevitably makes Cultural Studies (henceforth: CS) as the most-appropriate approach. Because (I) CS does not distinguish high culture from low culture, (ii) CS has developed interests in marginal groups; women, ethnic-minorities, black and so forth (During:1994, 2-20), which fits in with the topic of the study, (iii) CS regards all texts or discourses as politically and ideologically, rather than aesthetically, positioned (Storey, 1996:2) and hence, it would be instrumental for exposing the hegemonic practices of the Anglo-Celtic, discourse and consequently, for empowering the multicultural women-texts.Assuming that there are stereotipic RPT on NAC women immigrants, this study is designed as the following:(i) to identify and formulate the stereotipic RPT of NAC women through the dominant texts-TWM, Pt-I, IF - from which they are excluded and not represented and through FLM, in which they are represented as the Other, problem and victim. In short, they are either, silenced or represented stereotipically as a collective, anonimous, unskilled, domestic and proved to be victimised, in the dominant texts. Multicultural women-texts, GMS and SC, give them voices to `speak up' in the first-person account about their own migrant-experience. ironically both texts (re) represent NAC women immigrants as the Other, problem, victim and threat of their own (ethnic) patriarchy.The NAC women are represented as being doublymarginalisedlopressed. They are opressed by their own patriarchy which position them as as dependent (mother, wife, daughter, fiancee) and caught up in the domestic-sphere (cooking, washing, sewing, chlild-rearing). They are also represented as controlled and conditioned by the institutions of womanhood (virginity, respectability, innocence), marriage and motherhood (reproduction, child-birth, child-rearing).At the workplace, they are marginalized and work as domestic, seamstress, factory-worker, dress-maker, hairdresser. They are proned to be victimized and sexually abused as occurred to the leading character in SC. However, the NAC women in GMS and SC is finally represented as gaining material-success and stepping up the social-ladder and therefore, they express their gratitude?s for having migrated to Australia. The NAC woman in SC is even represented as having adopted the Australian :".'ay. In short, both texts reinforce the dominant Anglo-Celtic discourse.(ii) to deconstruct the stereotypic RPT and to re-construct the alternative RPT of the NAC women immigrants in both experimental and transgressive multicultural women-texts, OLC dan RR. This study uses two perspectives from CS- gender and ethnicity- to address the problems of stereotypic RPT and to empower the multicultural women-texts.To deconstruct the stereotypic RPT and to re-construct the alternative RPT, this study uses the intersection between feminists' discourse on the body and sexual politics and the discourse on loving ethnicity, adapted from bell hooks' loving blackness (1992: 2-20) to polities the private issues- womanhood, virginity, marriage, motherhood including the `myth' about the passivity of female sexuality-in the public sphere in order to deconstruct the male-chauvinistic Anglo-Celtic discourse and to reconstruct the NAG women in OLC as an independent, assertive, radical, sexually-liberated persona. The NAC women are not domesticated but represented as leading a public life and rejecting the concept of womanhood, virginity, marriage and motherhood.To deconstruct the stereotipic RPT in the previous texts and to reconstruct an alternative RPT on NAC women in RR, this study uses the feminists' discourse on female desire (Coward, 1984). This study examines how RR deconstructs the RPTs of NAC women as the Other, problem, victim, threat or as the authentic ethnic other (TWM, PH, 1F, FLM, GMS, SC) and also as a radical and sexually-liberated persona (OLC) in order to reconstruct the NAG woman subject as a feminin and cosmopolitan persona.Using female desire, this study analyses that the NAC woman subject in RR uses consumer culture to sustain themselves- with cosmetics, perfume, fashion, food, exercises and other consumer-products of lifestyles-and to reconstruct a multiple identities- as a pilot, doctor, cabaret-singer, ballerina and so forth. The NAC woman moves in both private and public spheres and celebrates `womanhood', 'motherhood', cooking, fashion and other activities previously condemned by feminists. The NAC woman subject is also not caught up in conflict with the dominant Anglo-Celtics.Summarizing the findings, this study identifies a couple of points to be raised. First, RPT is an important concept which could be politised for controlling/marginalizing or for empowering the represented object. Second, NAC women experiences are diverse, not unified. Third. 'gender and ethnicity' are instrumental for dismantling both the Angle and non-Anglo-celtic patriarchy and hence, for promoting the diversity of women-experiences.This study on gender and ethnicity is relevant for our national context as Indonesia is a multi-ethnic society which is in the process of developing gender-awareness across the board. Double-marginalization faced by the NAC women in Australia is parallel with the othering of ethnic-minority women in Indonesia from Arab, Chinese, Indo-Dutch descents and others). The mass rape of Indonesian-Chinese women in May 1998 and the sexual violence suffered by Acehnese women are all double-oppression against these ethnic-minority women.Monitoring the current public debate on gender (perspective) in our national context, this study wants to share perceptions and conclusion. First, difference amongst women's constituencies is as important as difference between women and men. It is a primary challenge for Indonesian feminists to manage and to capitalize on the diversity of its constituencies so as not to repeat the hegemonic practices of Western feminism and patriarchy which had homogenized or eliminated the Other. Second, RPT of Indonesian women (and its constituencies) are important to be empowered. Intervention should be made to reconstruct a new alternative RPT of Indonesian women. However, it is crucial to have media with gender-awareness to promote the new empowering RPT of Indonesian women."

"ABSTRAKSecara yuridis formal partisipasi perempuan di bidang politik telah dijamin konstitusi. Pasal 27 ayat (1) UUD 1945 dengan tegas menyatakan perlakuan yang sama dihadapan hukum dan pemerintahan. Disamping itu terdapat komitmen resmi pada konvensi-konvensi internasional menyangkut partisipasi politik perempuan yang sudah diratifikasi yakni Konvensi tentang Hak-hak politik perempuan (The Convention on Political Rights for Women) melalui Undang-Undang Nomor 68 tahun 1958 dan Konvensi Penghapusan Segala Bentuk diskriminasi terhadap Perempuan (the Convention on Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination) melalui Undang-Undang Nomor 7 tahun 1984. Dapat dikatakan Indonesia telah mengikatkan diri untuk melaksanakan kebijakan untuk menghapus segala bentuk diskriminasi terhadap perempuan, antara lain mencantumkan prinsip persamaan hak dan kewajiban, kedudukan, peranan, dan kesempatan bagi perempuan dan laki-Iaki dalam peraturan perundang-undangan, terutama yang berkaitan dengan upaya untuk meningkatkan keterlibatan perempuan dalam politik. Namun, kenyataan politik di Indonesia masih jauh dari idealisme tersebut. Dilihat dari proporsinya, jumlah perempuan sebagai anggota parlemen masih belum signifikan. Rendahnya porsi perempuan tersebut jika dikaitkan dengan keterwakilan sebagai salah satu mekanisme dalam dunia politik, maka hasilnya sangat memprihatinkan. Akibatnya pun, banyak kebijakan dan program pembangunan yang ditujukan kepada perempuan sering tidak peka gender. Realitas demikian tampaknya ikut melatarbelakangi akomodasi kuota 30 persen perempuan di lembaga parlemen melalui kebijakan affirmative action yang diterapkan melalui UU No. 31 tahun 2002 tentang Partai Politik dan UU No. 12 tahun 2003 tentang Pemilu, khususnya dalam Pasat 65 ayat (1). Namun persoalan yang timbul kemudian adalah bagaimana ketentuan-ketentuan yang terkait dengan representasi politik perempuan yang ada dalam undang-undang politik tersebut dilaksanakan. Dalam mengkaji dan menganalisis permasalahan tersebut, metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian yuridis normatif dan yuridis empiris yang dititiberatkan pada yuridis normatif. Pendekatan yuridis normatif atas permasalahan keterwakilan perempuan di parlemen akan ditinjau dari produk perundang-undangan yang dikhususkan pada undang-undang partai politik dan undang-undang pemilu. Sedangkan pendekatan yuridis empiris akan diarahkan pada implementasi kedua undang-undang politik tersebut. Adapun hasil penelitian yang diperoleh terkait dengan pokok permasalahan itu adalah: ketentuan-ketentuan yang terkait dengan representasi politik perempuan yang ada dalam undang-undang politik tersebut khususnya yang menyangkut kuota 30 persen sebagaimana yang tertuang dalam Pasal 65 ayat (1) UU No. 12 tahun 2003 tentang Pemilu dalam pelaksanaannya belum efektif. Karena ketentuan tersebut tidak mempunyai kekuatan implementatif yang dapat menjamin keterwakilan perempuan sebagai talon jadi. Frasa "dapat" yang ada dalam Pasal 65 ayat (1) UU No. 12 tahun 2003, dinilai merupakan klausul yang menyediakan celah bagi partai politik untuk menegaskan sifat sukarela atau rekomendatif dari undang¬undang tersebut. Ditinjau dari perspektif hukum, frasa "dapat" dikategorikan sebagai frasa yang abu-abu, tidak mencerninkan suatu ketegasan atau keharusan langkah yang harus diambil oleh partai politik dalam mengajukan calon legislatif perempuan. Sehingga ada celah kelemahan yang pada akhirnya memberikan implikasi politik terhadap pencalonan anggota perempuan di DPR. Kondisi diatas, lebih diperparah dengan sistem pemilu dalam UU No. 12 tahun 2003 yang senyatanya mengadopsi sistem prorposional dengan calon terbuka untuk pemilihan anggota DPR dan DPRD sesungguhnya tidak mengadopsi daftar calon terbuka. Hal ini tercermin dari pasal-pasal tentang pencalonan, pemberian suara dan penentuan calon terpilih. Belum lagi, jika ditinjau dari sisi partai partai politik, yang pada kenyataanya dalam organisasi-organisasi mereka sendiri, partai-partai politik belum menunjukkan komitmen yang kuat dan rumusan-rumusan kebijakan mengenai kesempatan yang setara bagi anggota perempuan agar terpilih sebagai fungsionaris partai dan anggota parlemen. Tidak dapat dipungkiri hal itu memang sangat dimungkingkan terjadi karena lemahnya ketentuan dalam UU No. 31 tahun 2002 tentang Partai Politik yang dalam beberapa ketentuannya seperti rekrutmen maupun kepengurusan belum ditindak lanjuti ke dalam bentuk yang lebih melembaga oleh partai politik. Bahkan hal ini didukung dengan dimensi kultural yang masih dipengaruhi oleh budaya patriarki. Berangkat dari hasil penelitian itu pula maka kesimpulan yang dapat dicatat dari penelitian ini ialah walaupun saat ini hak-hak politik bagi perempuan sudah diakui, namun adanya hak-hak politik tersebut belum dapat menjamin adanya pemerintahan atau sistem politik yang demokratis dimana asas partisipasi dan keterwakilan diberi makna sesungguhnya. Ini artinya, adanya keterwakilan perempuan di dalamnya, dan berbagai kebijakan yang muncul memiliki sensivitas gender, tidak serta merta dapat terwujud kendatipun hak-hak politik perempuan tersebut sudah diakui.

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ABSTRACT

In formal jurisdiction, women participation in politics is secured by Constitution. Article 27 paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution (UUD 1945) clearly specifies the equality before law and government. Furthermore, there is a formal commitment in International Conventions on women political participations, that is, by the Convention on Political Rights for Women ratified through "Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 198- (The 1984 Act No. 7). It is said that Indonesia has bound herself for the implementation of policy in order to eliminate any form of discrimination against women such as specifying the principles of equal rights and duties, position, roles and opportunities for women and men in the rules of law, especially those related o the efforts of increasing women involvement in politics. However, the political reality in Indonesia is still far from idealism. In proportion, number of women as members of the parliament is not significant. Lower proportion of women, if related to their representation as a mechanism in the political world, is still disheartening. As a consequence, many development policies and programs for women are not sensitive to gender. Also such reality seems forms the accommodation background of 30 % female quota in the Parliament through affirmative action applied through the 2002 Act No.21 (Undang-Undang No. 31 Tahun 2002) re Political Party and the 2003 Act No. 21 (Undang-Undang No. 12 Tahun 2003) re General Election, especially Article 65 paragraph (1). However, the likely major problem arising out later is how to implement clauses about: existing women political representation in the political laws. Reviewing and analyzing the problem, the method used is normative and empirical judicial research which emphasizes on normative judicial method. Normative judicial approach to the problem of women representation shall be viewed from the product of legislation especially centered on the laws of political party and general election. Well, research findings drawn from the topic reveal that clauses are not effective yet related to the women political representation according to the political law especially concerned with the 30% quota as specified in the Article 65 paragraph (1) of the 2003 Act No. 12 (Undang-Undang No. 12 Tabun 2003) re General Election and its implementation. As the clauses have no power of implementation which secures the women representation as the clearly-won contestant. A phrase "dupal". ('may, be able to') as set forth in the Article 65 (1) of the 2003 Act No. 12 is deemed to be a clause which gives a chance for any political party to confirm the recommendation of the law. In judicial perspective, the phrase "dapaP (may, be able to') is categorized into an ambivalent phrase, reflecting no determination or obligation for the political party to take steps in order to nominate women for legislative contestants. Therefore, there is a chance which will by itself imply politics to the nomination of women contestants to the Parliament. The conditions mentioned above get worse with the general election system in the 2003 Act No.12 which clearly adopts proportional system with open nominee for electing Central Parliament ("Legislative Assembly") and DPRD (Regional Parliament) with still do otherwise. Unfortunately, if it is viewed from the point of political party as in their own organizations, the political parties are not strongly committed and have no formulation of policies on the equality for women members to be elected as party's functionary and members of the parliament. It is likely to happen because the weak clauses in the 2002 Act No. 31 re Political Party concerning requirements of recruitment and administration are not yet taken in action plan in more institutional form by the Political Party. This is even backed up with cultural dimensions which are under the influence of patriarchal culture. According to these findings, a conclusion likely drawn up from the research is even if political rights for women are now accepted; the political rights could not secure the existence of democratic government and political system in which the principles of participation and representation are given real significance. It means that women representation in the democratic government and political systems and any policy with gender sensitivity can not come to reality given if the Political rights for women are accepted."

"Penafsiran tentang kepemimpinan perempuan dalam Islam masih menjadi wacana yang sering diperdebatkan karena termasuk wilayah khilafiyah dan ijtihadiyah. Penafsiran yang ada masih memperlihatkan bias gender. Pemahaman penafsiran ini berpengaruh pada etika sosial di kalangan umat Islam khususnya dan masyarakat luas umumnya sehingga berdampak pada peran dan kedudukan perempuan, Agar penafsiran tentang kepemimpinan tidak bias gender, perlu diadakan pemberdayaan perempuan melalui para mubaligah. Merekalah penyampai ajaran-ajaran Islam kepada umatnya. Oleh sebab itu, perlu diadakan penelitian tentang mubaligah untuk mengetahui pemahaman mereka tentang kepemimpinan perempuan dalam Islam Penelitian menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif berperspektif perempuan. Data dikumpulkan dengan teknik wawancara mendalam, kemudian dianalisis dengan perspektif gender untuk memperlihatkan pemahaman mubaligah tentang relasi perempuan dan laki-laki. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pemahaman mubaligah tentang kepemimpinan perempuan bervariasi karena latar belakang pendidikan agama yang berbeda. Hanya sebagian menyetujui kepemimpinan perempuan dalam rumah tangga dan dalam negara (sebagai presiden). Namun seluruhnya menyetujui kepemimpinan perempuan dalam masyarakat pada tatanan yang lebih rendah (bukan sebagai presiden). Mereka yang mengikuti feminisme modern mengakui kesetaraan gender, sedangkan yang dipengaruhi mufasir tradisional tidak mengakuinya.

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The interpretation of women's leadership in Islam often becomes a debate. It is regarded as a polemic and an exercise of judgment on the basis of the Qur'an and the sunnah. Today's interpretation tends to be gender biased. The understanding of the interpretation influences social ethics, especially for Moslems, and generally for the whole society. It gives an impact on the role and status of women. To decrease the gender bias, women empowerment via mubaligahs (women preachers) is badly needed. It is due to the fact that mubaligahs are persons in charge of transferring Islam teaching to their followers. Consequently, we need a research about the mubaligahs. The research was conducted by using qualitative approach with women's perspective. The data were collected with in-depth interview. Gender-based analysis was used to probe mubaligah's understanding into the relation of women and men. The result reveals that the understanding of mubaligahs is varied because their religious educational background is different. Only some of them acknowledged and the other disagreed with the women's leadership in the family as well as in the society (as president). On the contrary, all of them legitimized with the women's leadership in the society on the lower level (not as president). Some of them approved gender equality (following the concept of modern-Islamic feminism), and the other disapproved (being influenced by the traditional-Islamic interpreter)."