Hasil Pencarian  ::  Simpan CSV :: Kembali

"This article attempts to identify and asses the weaknesses of the CFSP that have been inherently implicated in substantive and institutional limitations. Critical analysis on this particular issue becomes increasingly important, since the discourse on the CFSP in Indonesia is not well developed in the way that the very nature of the CFSP and its complexities are not properly understood. Having said that this article is particularly aimed at contributing to the development of the discourse on the CFSP in Indonesia. In analyzing this issue,it confines itself to the theoretical views assumed by realists because they would appropriately divulge and address the weaknesses of the CFSP. It also argues that the EU member states, despite their apparent enthusiasm for developing a truly CFSP, are reluctant to fully give up their national sovereignty over foreign and security policy. Since the CFSP can be only seen as reflection of the interests or EU Member States,it is very difficult to put any limits on the foreign policy initiatives of the member states, to shape their interests or bring them to stick to the common framework .In conclusion,this article suggests that all of these weaknesses are the underlying causes of the incapability of the EU to match today's global challenge."

"

---

Balkan conflict caused by the dissolution of Sosialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1990 which brought about various conflicts both inter-states or interenal conflicts among states of fomrer Yugoslavia. As a region which is contiguous directly to European Union (EU), the existing conflicts in Balkan could influence political stability and security that is developed by EU as "an area of jreedom, security and justice". The solution effort of Balkan conflicts carried out by EU as one of its ideas materialization to unifly Europe in one solid and strong institution European Union.

EU?s policy in solving the conflicts in Balkan region mentioned in Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), namely (i) strengthening "security building" as an effort to prevent conflict and enforcing regional stability by facilitating peaceful and constitutional agreements both through diplomacy or sending peace-keeping forces; and (ii) strengthening ?ins!itution building" or development economic aids with a view to creating an efficient policy-making in line with EU?s standards, with laying agenda of pre-access Balkan region into EU.

It is undeniable that the susceptibility of Balkan region mainly caused by its brittleness of political situation owing to the fall of communism which ended the cold war in 1990 and hardening the existed ethnic conflicts in the region. Dark history of inter-ethnic conflicts brought about by the existing copious ethnicities nationalism led to tragedy of ?ethnic cleansing" in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovia by Yugoslav ruler. lt was depicting how strong the situation and condition with nuance of "ethnopolirics " in Balkan region.

At the outset, EU regarded that the Balkan conflicts as domestic regional problem which may solved by its own region. However, for the sake of regional stability and security, EU was urged to take part more actively in the solution of Balkan conflict. Through CFSP, EU was demanded to be able to settle Balkan conflicts comprehensively through ?secw-ity and development? (soft politics) and ?de_nends? (hard politics) policies. Notwithstanding, the solution of various conflicts faced by Balkan states still leit problems which any time can come up and become new conflicts that EU will cope with the future."

"Europe's attempts to be able to be more independent on security and defense areas have been started since it tried to create EDC 1950's as the first security cooperation. Though EDC was never formally conceived, Europe has continued its efforts to develop cooperations in security and defense areas. Fouchet Plan, EPC, SEA and CFSP are several examples of its efforts attempted to be independent in these areas. CFSP is one of Europe's greatest innovations in strengtening these efforts. Specific articles in Treaty of Maastricht and Treaty of Amsterdam state that CFSP is the guidelines of mapping Europe's common security policy that will lead to common defense. What is stated by the articles is ambiguous as Europe up to now is still dependent on NATO/the US and will continously do so, in contrary Europe has EU/WEU which has been determined as an organization that will implement EU's defense policies.

This thesis tries to find out which security organization Europe will later use as its main security instrument and whether Europe actually aims at common defense or merely at common defense policy. This thesis concludes that EU will combine the usage of EU/WEU and NATO. NATO will remain to be Europe's military defense organization and EU/WEU will develop to be the organization that will ensure the security of Europe. This is a fact of the attainment of common defense policy in regard that the formation of European Army, as a form of common defense, is not viable. The establishment of a common defense requires radical adaptations and changes, for instance, EU has to construct the Europe's Ministry of Defense, European Minister of Defense and European Army. CFSP/ESDP will continue to develop and to determine resolutions on Europe's security cooperations. As long as the three EU core states (England, Germany and France) maintains diverse perpectives on common security and defense concepts, Europe will remain dependent on those two organizations (EU/WEU and NATO)."

"Rancangan konstitusi Uni Eropa telah membuka jalan baru bagi masa depan kebijakan luar negeri dan pertahanan Uni Eropa dengan diperkenalkannya suatu posisi baru "Menteri Luar Negeri Uni Eropa".Gagasan ini telah menimbulkan banyak kontroversi di kalangan politisi dan akademisi negara-negara anggota Uni eropa. Di satu sisi Menteri Luar Negeri Uni Eropa, nantinya di harapkan dapat memecahkan masalah kekompakan Union dalam mengambil kebijakan luar negeri. Namun disisi lain, ia juga bisa menjadi perangkap karena dapat menciptakan "arena perang" diantara negara-negara anggota. Artikel ini akan menguraikan beberapa permasalahan dan perdebatan yang timbul akibat inisiatif ini."

"This article examines the state of play of the relations between the European Union and Indonesia.It proposes a review of the progress achieved since the publication in 2000 of the communication from the European Comission that is aimed at strengthening the relations between Indonesia and The European Union. It underlines that both the European Union and Indonesia have become stronger players in the international and regional arena. It also finds that the EU-Indonesia relations have intensified,diversified and given new perspectives for stronger EU-Indonesia partnership."

"The European Union (EU) has signed a co-operation agreement with Indonesia in form of an economic relation since the beginning of the 1980s. comparing to other co-operations is this agreement in the lowest level of economic relations without any preferential treatment in trade except for the common Generalized system of Preferences (GSP). Under the agreement like this, Indonesia doesn't receive and enjoy special treatments and facilities like the other countries grouping such as African, Caribia and Pacific (ACP) countries."

"Ultranationalism in EuropeAnalysis and Outlook with regard to Ultranasionalisme di Eropa yang telah berakar sekian lama tidak dapat dipandanghanya dari kondisi lingkungan yang di sekelilingnya maupun digeneralisasi. Hal inidisebabkan kondisi historis, sosiologis, politik, negara-negara di Eropa berbeda satusama lain, sehingga diperlukan pendefinisian yang jelas. Tulisan ini memaparkanperbandingan ultranasionalisme di Eropa Barat, Tengah, dan Timur; yang antaralain disebabkan masih tidak jelasnya profil ideologi politik negara-negara Eropa Timurpasca Perang Dingin. Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa ultranasionalisme perlu untukdipelajari lebih lanjut. Ketika kelompok ekstrimis sayap kanan memegang kekuasaan,kelompok masyarakat sipil perlu mempersiapkan diri untuk menghadapinya. Namunmengucilkan pandangan ultranasionalisme dan kelompok tersebut, dari perdebatanpublik juga bukan tindakan yang tepat. Fenomena ini harus dipahami dan dikajisecara mendalam agar negara-ngara Eropa dan Uni Eropa mampu menghadapinyadan menjaga Eropa untuk tetap ?berpegang teguh pada prinsip-prinsip demokrasinya.Tulisan ini juga menyatakan bahwa generasi muda di Eropa perlu diyakinkan padanjlai-nilai dasar yang fundamental dalam sebuah masyarakat yang demokratis agartidak terjadi persepsi dan mispersepsi terhadap dinamika ultranasionalisme itusendiri di Eropa."

"Drawing upon Croatia's past and present situation, this paper attempts to propose actions that need to be taken in adopting new economic, legal and political standards. Our approach shall include an overview of historical foundations of modern Europe. Accordingly, we shall conclude this paper with an assessment of future economic and societal directions of the European circle. Owing much to her geography and culture. Croatia has, in effect, belonged to the European community of nations throughout its thirteen-century long history. At the beginning of her historical route, having been a sovereign kingdom in the 10lh century. Croatia had existed as a functional part of European civilization. In Thousand Years that ensued, Croatia came under a number of multiethnic political entities. First, it entered the union with I lungary. then Austria, followed by Austro-Hungarian Empire. In 20'" century, it entered into the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, which later on was renamed the Kingdom of Jugoslavia. Following the end of WWII, Croatia entered Socialist Federative Yugoslavia, together with other South Slavic peoples. However, Croatia has only recently as the 1990s become an independent nation state, in a modern sense. In this way, Croatia can effectively fulfil her historical path by entering the European Union, therefore reverting to her historical roots. It is the challenges of this most recent era of Croatian history, that form the backbone of this paper. Several basic aspects of Croatian accession to the EU are put into perspective. First, we make certain assumptions regarding the integration, with respect to the shift from transition to transformation brought about by integration. Second, we bring to mind the procedure of European integration, both in form and content. Third, we talk about the effects of integration, from societal to economic achievements."