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"The paper is proposes a new way of governance for sustainable development that involves reflexive governance and the objectives of sustainable development. this can be accomplished using the theoretical development, 'sub-politics' in 'reflextive modernization,' for creating the epistemoligical grounds for new forms of governance for sustainable development, and deliberative and green democracy in relation to applying methodological principles to new forms of governance for sustainable development. this paper highlights necessary change to reflexive governance for sustainable development, pointing out that we should move our focus from 'rationalist problem-solving' (first order) approach to governance to 'second order problems' that work to disrupt the structure of modernist problem-solving. reflexive governance for sustainable development can provide more adequate treatment of sustainable development problems and a better quality of sustainable development objectives."

"China has clearly emulated Russia's previous example of making loud claims and increasing military patrols in the arctic. China will likely become a major player in Arctic trade routes and become a main destination for goods shipped through th northern Sea Route. It is likely that a significant part of future Russian oil and gas production will ultimately be supplied to China. What are the strategic implications of China's active involvement in Arctic politics? The Arctic "Great Game" is often described as a new cold war between the United States and Russia. Regionally the two main protagonists are Russian and Norway. This article makes a different argument . The Arctic has recently become an issue on the Russo-Chinnese, and possibly Russo-Japanese security agenda. The first goal of this article is to examine the arctic policy and strategy of Rusia, perhaps the most difficult nation to understand in terms of arctic security. The second goal of the article is to explain how the Arctic has become an issue of concern in Russia's relationship with China."

"Purpose: We evaluated cultured specimens from silicone tubes removed from patients with congenital nasolacrimal duct obstruction and determined the antibiotic sensitives of the specimens.Methods: This study included 26 eyes of 22 patients who had received endonasal silicone tube intubation for congenital nasolacrimal duct obstruction. The removed silicone tubes were divided into canalicus, lacrimal sac, nasolacrimal duct and nasal cavity parts according to insertion state. Then, bacteria and fungus cultures were performed and rheir antibiotic sensitivity was tested. Results: Bacteria culture rate was 80.8% in the canaliculus and the lacrimal sac, and 88.5% in the lacrimal duct, and the nasal cavity, which was not significantly higher in the nasal cavity than in the nasolacrimal duct and in the nasolacrimal duct than in the lacrimal sac and the canaliculus (p-value < 0.05). The species of cultured Gram-positive bacteria were in the following order: Staphylococcus aureus, streptococcus pneumonia and coagulase negative staphylococcus. Common species of cultured Gram-negative bacteria were Pseudomonas and Serratia marcescenes. All six species of cultured fungi were candida. Among 12 Staphylococcus aureus cultured, eight species showd resistance to methicillin (MRSA). In all patients, the symptomps and the signs of nasolacrimal duct obstruction improved after the tube removal. Conclusions: Bacterial and fungal infection of the silicone tube in patients with congenital nasolacrimal duct obstruction does not appear to affect directly the outcome of silicone tube intubation. Further studies of bacterium and fungi in the nasolacrimal duct before silicone tube intubation are needed for determining the infection causing nasolacarimal duct obstruction J Korean Ophthalmol Soc 2014;55(8): 1121-1125"

"ABSTRAK In this paper, I explore a new, alternative way of conducting a comparative analysis of socialism in East Asia, based on Marx's classical work, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, as well as recent developments in comparative sociology by George Steinmentz and Willliam Sewel Jr., who emphasize a more fluid, nuanced type of time-space contigent comparison by going beyond the limits of conventional positivist comparison. My comparative cases are china and North korea, the two remaining (post)socialist countries in East Asia. The discussion in this paper proceeds in three parts. First, i trace the origins of "absence of interaction effects" and false assumption of "Mutual Exclussiveness" in macro-causal comparison by scholars such as Theda Skocpol. Second, I then discuss the Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte as a concrete case of conducting "evenful comparison" an alternative to positivist macro-casual comparison. Finally, i explore a possibility of conducting "eventful comparison" of post-socialist transformation in two remaining socialist countries in East Asia - China and North Korea. "

"The purpose of this study is to examine the process of globalization in the Korean context and resultant changes in major social institutions and cultural values, especilly the impact of the recent economic crisis and subsequent neoliberal reform on traditional confucian values. The financial crisis in 1997 forced the Korean government to ask for IMF loans, to which conditionaly in the form of neoliberal economic reform is costumarily attached. Indeed the IMF is one of the many international organizations through which globalization as a hegemonic ideology propagates neoliberalism to the whole world based on the so-called Washington consensus. the economic crisis and the IMF-led neoliberal reform have resulted in changes in many areas: mass unemployement and employement instability; changes in family roles and marriage patterns; and polarization of income distribution with the shrinking middle class. Neoliberalizm also promotes such values as competitiveness, individualism, materialism, efficiency and instrumental rationality, which are in sharp contrast to thee traditional confucian values. In fact the neoliberal reform following the economic crisis created not only the social environment where confucian legacies can no longer hold, but also value conflicts between the upper and the lower classes and between the younger and the older generations."

"The protection of intellectual property rughts in developing countries has been problematic since the genesis of the international system in the nineteenth century. From the moment a select group of European countries concluded a multilateral agreement for the protection of industrial property in 1883, non- Western societies, principally in Africa and Asia, were swept under the aegis of the international intellectual property system through the agency of colonial rule. "