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"'As the euphoria fades from the Jokowi presidency, this timely book reviews the processes that brought him to the top, and the processes that have undermined his initial standing. The nineteen articles by ten writers provide views from along the way, starting with a chapter on the Jakarta governor elections from November 2012 and preceding through the key events up to a contemporary assessment in February 2015. Several major clues to the current disillusion are provided in accounts of the legislative elections and the presidential campaigns. Key topics are vote buying, the Islamic factor, economic platforms, pluralism, economic challenges. Max Lane points to deep alienation from politics and the emergence of new unions and a new political arena. The ISEAS team provides a range of events and analyses that will be most useful to all students of current Indonesian politics; clear, concise, insightful.' – David Reeve, Conjoint Associate Professor UNSW, ILTI Academic Coordinator ACICIS.'This book effectively captures the dynamics of Indonesian politics by focusing on the various phenomena surrounding the 2014 elections. It begins this political journey with an analysis of the implementation of local autonomy, and the birth of a leader brave enough to challenge extant political elites. It further explores the application of political culture in campaigns, the shortcomings of elected leaders, and the inadequacy of a state obliged to accommodate various interest groups. Beyond all these, this book proves that the political culture approach remains crucial in investigating Indonesia's political realities.' – Sukardi Rinakit, Political Analyst, Special Staff to President Joko Widodo."

"Pemilihan presiden dipertimbangkan sebagai informasi yang relevan bagi investor pasar saham untuk membuat keputusan investasi. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menguji perbedaan average abnormal return dan trading volume activity pada indeks saham sektoral sebelum dan sesudah pemilihan presiden 2004, 2009, dan 2014. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode event study. Data dikumpulkan dari Bursa Efek Indonesia. Harga penutupan indeks saham sektoral harian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini terdiri dari 120 hari sebelum dan 30 hari setelah pemilihan presiden. Terdapat bukti perbedaan yang kuat pada average abnormal return indeks saham sektoral sebelum dan sesudah pemilihan presiden terutama pada sektor pertambangan. Akan tetapi, untuk trading volume activity indeks saham sektoral sebelum dan sesudah pemilihan presiden secara statistik sama. Adanya gugatan terhadap hasil pemilihan presiden terakhir tidak memberikan pengaruh pada hampir semua indeks saham sektoral, kecuali pada sektor keuangan dan sektor industri dasar dan kimia. Analisis ini menyimpulkan bahwa sektor perdagangan, jasa dan investasi merupakan sektor yang paling stabil, sedangkan sektor pertambangan merupakan sektor yang paling tidak stabil.

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Presidential election is considered as relevant information for stock market?s investors to make investment decision. The objective of this study is to examine differences in average abnormal return and trading volume activity on sectoral indices? stocks before and after the presidential elections in 2004, 2009, and 2014. The research uses the event study method. The data are collected from the Indonesia Stock Exchange. The daily closing prices on sectoral indices used in this study consist of 120 days preceding and 30 days succeeding the elections. There is a strong evidence of differences in average abnormal return on Indonesian?s sectoral stock market before and after the presidential elections especially for the mining sector. However, the trading volume activities of the Indonesian?s sectoral stock market before and after the elections were statistically the same. The litigation from the last election results had no impact on most Indonesian?s sectoral stock, except for the financial as well basic industry and chemical sectors. The analysis concludes that the trade, services, and investment are the most stable sectors, while mining is the opposite one."

"Legislative and presidential elections were conducted respectively on 5 April, 5 July and 20 September 2004, in the new emerging democracy, Indonesia. Aside from its imprefect preparation and implementations, compare to the previous general elections in the country, it can be said that the legislative election were conducted in a more democratic way than in the past. After more than four decades, for the first time indonesians went to the poll and directly choose their representatives through a combination of an individuals candidate and party list systems, by which people had an alternative choice of parliamentary candidates from every party to be elected. More importantly, was the first time the people directly elected their president  and vice president after more than a half century since the country proclaims its independence from the Dutchcolonial government."

"This book about important political events in Indonesian history, the elections held in 1955. To the social scientist desirous of knowing more about the nature of post-revolutionary Indonesian society, the accuracy and power of the party and the parliament with more quality representative. The material on which this interim report is based was collected by the Indonesian Ministry of Information between1951 and 1953 and between 1954 and 1956. Accurate of party strength and parliament with a more representative quality. "

"PDI Perjuangan merupakan salah satu partai terbesar di Indonesia, setelah menjadi partai penguasa pada tahun 1999, PDI Perjuangan kembali menjadi partai penguasa pada tahun 2014 dengan mendapatkan suara terbesar. Telah dibuktikan, bahwa PDI Perjuangan juga berhasil mendapatkan dukungan dari pemilih muda dari hasil exit poll yang dilakukan. Angka pemilih muda pada setiap pemilu berkembang dengan pesat, ini membuat kelompok pemilih muda sangat penting untuk diraih oleh partai, tetapi tidaklah mudah untuk partai mendapatkan dukungan dari pemilih muda. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dan bersifat deskriptif, dan mendalami unsur-unsur komunikasi politk (komunikator, pesan, medium, khalayak, dan efek).

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Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle is one of the biggest political parties in Indonesia, they won the elections in 1999 and then continue to succeed and become the government party in 2014 with the majority vote. Not only gaining the majority vote, but they were also the number one choice of the young voters in the exit poll. The number of young voters is growing rapidly each year and this notes the importance of being their preference for the parties, though it is not easy to get their support. This study uses the qualitative - descriptive method, which focuses on the political communication variables (communicator, message, medium, audience, effect)."

"The research explain the interaction of religion and politics during the legislative election of April 9 and the Presidential Election of July 9, 2014 in considering the status of women. Feminist approaches are often suspricious or cannot believe how the alliance of these two terms (religion and politics) can truly server the mandate for gender justice and social justice. Explanation of the General Election data affirms the vulnerable status of women and the other groups, both within the structure of polital parties, proportion of MP's and in the executive development paradigm of the incoming President. The entire women's movement, paradigmatically and practically, needs to work together, shoulder to shoulder, in order to analyse, criticise and nurture these narratives of justice for an equal society in the coming 2014-2019 cabinet period."

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji dinamika Pemilu pasca-Orde Baru yang memicu munculnya politik identitas, menganalisis respons negara terhadap ancaman yang ditimbulkan oleh politik identitas, serta memahami peran Badan Intelijen Keamanan Kepolisian Negara Republik Indonesia (Baintelkam Polri) dalam konteks tersebut. Pemilu 2014 dan 2019 dipilih karena pada kedua pemilu tersebut penggunaan politik indentitas terbilang sangat masif. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan fenomenologi ilmu sosial untuk menggali fenomena sosial dan politik yang kompleks. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa politik identitas menjadi permasalahan utama dalam Pemilu 2014 dan 2019, dipicu oleh rendahnya literasi masyarakat, tren politik identitas global, dan krisis kesadaran politik-kebangsaan di kalangan elite politik. Elemen agama dan etnis menjadi isu sentral yang diwacanakan dan dikonflikkan dalam ruang publik menjelang, saat, dan pasca-Pemilu. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan perlunya model inteligence-led policing yang efektif dalam menangani masalah politik identitas guna mendukung konsolidasi demokrasi di Indonesia.

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This study aims to examine the dynamics of the post-New Order elections that triggered the emergence of identity politics, analyze the state's response to the threats posed by identity politics, and understand the role of the Indonesian National Police Security Intelligence Agency (Baintelkam Polri) in this context. The 2014 and 2019 elections were chosen because in both elections the use of identity politics was massive. This study uses a qualitative method with a social science phenomenology approach to explore complex social and political phenomena. The results of the study show that identity politics became the main problem in the 2014 and 2019 elections, triggered by low public literacy, global identity politics trends, and a crisis of political-national awareness among political elites. Religious and ethnic elements became central issues that were discussed and conflicted in the public space before, during, and after the elections. This study concludes the need for an effective intelligence-led policing model in dealing with identity politics issues to support the consolidation of democracy in Indonesia."

"ABSTRAKJurnal ini membahas mengenai pemilihan umum presiden di Indonesia 2014 yang menghadirkan fenomena baru dalam proses demokratisasi di Indonesia. Fenomena tersebut salah satunya adalah media sosial. Hal ini terjadi karena Indonesia menjadi salah satu Negara dengan jumlah pengguna media sosial terbanyak di dunia. Opini masyarakat yang berkembang di media sosial dipengaruhi oleh terbukanya kesempatan untuk mengakses internet yang menjadikan internet (media sosial) menjadi medium menyampaikan pesan mengenai proses pesta demokrasi di Indonesia. Media sosial berubah menjadi ruang publik kontemporer yang dipenuhi oleh masyarakat yang berkespresi menyuarakan pendapat. Namun, ketika kebebasan berekspresi dalam mendukung kandidat calon presiden dan wakil presiden dipengaruhi oleh tim sukses dan partisan, maka peran kritisme di ruang publik menjadi senantiasa hilang dan fungsi ruang publik sebagai salah satu alat kontrol bagi pemerintah menjadi luntur.

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ABSTRACTThis journal discusses about the presidential elections in Indonesia in 2014 that presents a new phenomenon in the process of democratization in Indonesia. This phenomenon is one of the social media. This happens because Indonesia has become one of the countries with the highest number of social media users in the world. Growing public opinion on social media influenced by the opening of opportunities to access the Internet that makes the internet (social media) into the medium to convey the message of the democratic party in Indonesia. Social media turns into a contemporary public space filled by people who expression their voice opinions. However, when freedom of expression in support of candidates for president and vice president are influenced by a successful team and partisan, the role of criticism in the public sphere becomes ever lost and public space functions as a control tool for the government becomes faded."

"[ABSTRAKTujuan dari tesis ini adalah untuk mengetahui sejauh mana pengaruh faktor-faktor identitasdan identifikasi politik masyarakat terhadap rendahnya perolehan suara parpol Islam. Selainitu juga untuk mengidentifikasi faktor-faktor perilaku apa saja dan interaksi politik parpolIslam seperti apa yang berpengaruh terhadap menurunnya elektabilitas, serta apakahperubahan landscape politik nasional dalam sejarah politik Indonesia berpengaruh terhadapstrategi parpol Islam untuk mengantisipasi penurunan elektabilitas tersebut.Pemilu 2014 menjadi potret terbaru bagaimana partai Islam kembali mengulangi sejarah yangsama, yakni tidak mampu mendobrak dominasi partai-partai nasionalis dalam perolehan suarapemilu di Indonesia. Kekalahan ini menghidupkan lagi wacana sekaligus perdebatanmengenai berakhirnya politik aliran di Indonesia. Dalam penelitian ini, ditemukan bahwapolitik aliran itu tidak betul-betul berakhir. Meskipun pengaruhnya terhadap pemilih tidaksekuat Pemilu 1955, namun politik aliran tetap bereksistensi. Tentu saja saat ini trikotomiGeertz, yang membagi umat Islam atas santri, priyayi, dan abangan, tidak terlalu relevan.Sebab, umat Islam sudah semakin rasional dalam memilih, tak terkecuali kaum santri. Di sisilain, partai politik sendiri cenderung bergeser ke tengah. Partai-partai nasionalis saat ini tidak“anti” Islam. Bahkan partai seperti PDIP, Gerindra, dan Golkar sudah punya sayap organisasiIslam. Sebaliknya, partai Islam seperti PPP dan PKS sudah sering menyatakan diri sebagaipartai terbuka, sebagai respon dari asumsi bahwa politik aliran sudah mencair dan bahkanberakhir. Selain persoalan tersebut, dalam tesis ini juga dikemukakan mengenai prospekpartai Islam, yang di antaranya dengan mengacu pada hasil suara partai Islam dalam Pemilu2014 dan posisinya ketika dikonfrontir dengan berbagai hasil survei yang menyebutkanbahwa partai Islam pasca Pemilu 2014 akan suram.Tesis ini menggunakan teori partai politik dan teori ideologi, bagaimana teori tersebutmelihat partai Islam di Indonesia. Konsep-konsep, baik dari Geertz yang membagi umatIslam di Jawa yang terdiri dari santri, abangan, dan priyayi, maupun dari Herbert Faith jugamenjadi salah satu pembanding, apakah konsep-konsep tersebut masih relevan dalam melihatpolitik aliran dalam Pemilu 2014.

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ABSTRACTThe purpose of this thesis is to determine the extent of the influence of factors of identity andpolitical identification of society to the low number of votes of Islamic political parties. Inaddition, to identify the factors and interaction behavior any Islamic political parties as towhat effect on decreasing elektabilitas, and whether changes in the national politicallandscape in Indonesia's political history affect the strategy of Islamic political parties toanticipate the decline elektabilitas.Election of 2014 became the latest portrait how Islamic parties reiterated the same history,which is not able to break the dominance of nationalist parties in the history of vote electionsin Indonesia. This defeat at the same discourse revive debate about the end of the flow inIndonesian politics. In this study, it was found that the flow politics not really ended.Although its influence on voters is not as strong as the 1955 election, but the political streamremains to exist. Of course, this time the trichotomy of Geertz, which divides the muslimstudents, gentry, and abangan, not too relevant. Therefore, the muslim students areincreasingly rational in choosing, not to mention the students. On the other hand, the politicalparties themselves are likely to shift to the center. Nationalist parties today are not "anti"Islam. Even parties like PDIP, Gerindra, and Golkar already have Islamic organization‟swings. In contrast, Islamist parties like PPP and PKS have often refers to himself as an openparty, with the assumption that the political stream has ended. In this thesis also expressedabout the prospects for Islamic parties, some of which with reference to the Islamic party‟svote in the 2014 election and its position when confronted with various results of manysurvey say that the Islamist party after the 2014 election will be bleak.This thesis uses the theory of political parties and the theory of ideology, how these theoriessee Islamic parties in Indonesia. Concepts, both of Geertz that divides Muslims in Java,which consists of students, abangan, and gentry, and of Herbert She also became one of thecomparison, whether these concepts are still relevant in view of the political streams in the2014 election, The purpose of this thesis is to determine the extent of the influence of factors of identity andpolitical identification of society to the low number of votes of Islamic political parties. Inaddition, to identify the factors and interaction behavior any Islamic political parties as towhat effect on decreasing elektabilitas, and whether changes in the national politicallandscape in Indonesia's political history affect the strategy of Islamic political parties toanticipate the decline elektabilitas.Election of 2014 became the latest portrait how Islamic parties reiterated the same history,which is not able to break the dominance of nationalist parties in the history of vote electionsin Indonesia. This defeat at the same discourse revive debate about the end of the flow inIndonesian politics. In this study, it was found that the flow politics not really ended.Although its influence on voters is not as strong as the 1955 election, but the political streamremains to exist. Of course, this time the trichotomy of Geertz, which divides the muslimstudents, gentry, and abangan, not too relevant. Therefore, the muslim students areincreasingly rational in choosing, not to mention the students. On the other hand, the politicalparties themselves are likely to shift to the center. Nationalist parties today are not "anti"Islam. Even parties like PDIP, Gerindra, and Golkar already have Islamic organization‟swings. In contrast, Islamist parties like PPP and PKS have often refers to himself as an openparty, with the assumption that the political stream has ended. In this thesis also expressedabout the prospects for Islamic parties, some of which with reference to the Islamic party‟svote in the 2014 election and its position when confronted with various results of manysurvey say that the Islamist party after the 2014 election will be bleak.This thesis uses the theory of political parties and the theory of ideology, how these theoriessee Islamic parties in Indonesia. Concepts, both of Geertz that divides Muslims in Java,which consists of students, abangan, and gentry, and of Herbert She also became one of thecomparison, whether these concepts are still relevant in view of the political streams in the2014 election]"