Hasil Pencarian  ::  Simpan CSV :: Kembali

"This paper examines changes in the Thai perception of China during the Thanom administration (1963–73), when Thailand turned from “hostilities” to “rapprochement” toward China. The paper attempts to clarify the changing perceptions, their causes, and the logic used by the government in attempting the policy shift. The decade under study is categorized into three periods: (1) confrontation (1963–68), (2) adjustment (1968–71), and (3) rapprochement (1971–73). During the confrontation period, the demonization of China, the deification of the United States, domino theory, and forward defense doctrine were adopted to justify Thailand’s participation in the Vietnam War. During the adjustment period, opinion toward China was divided into two groups: Foreign Minister Thanat Khoman, students, and some intellectuals encouraged rapprochement with China, while other military-related officials opposed it. During the rapprochement period, under international pressure, Thanom’s military administration felt the urge to approach China. China was then dichotomized from the image of Communism and recreated into a “converted criminal.” The image changes during each period were not only the result of domestic and international conditions but also helped facilitate the government’s policy shifts."

"Tesis ini membahas strategi buck-passing yang dilakukan Amerika Serikat (AS) di kawasan Asia Timur pada periode presiden George W. Bush I dan II pada tahun 2001-2009. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian diskriptif kuantitatif dengan desain diskriptif. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui mengapa AS menggunakan strategi tersebut. Kemudian, penelitian ini mengulas strategi yang digunakan AS sebagai hegemon pada struktur polar di Asia Timur dengan memberi data-data berupa aplikasi dari strategi tersebut juga data yang menunjukkan struktur polar di kawasan ini. Hasil penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa AS menggunakan strategi buck-passing karena struktur multipolar tidak seimbang (unbalanced multipolar) terjadi di kawasan ini.

---

This research focuses on the buck-passing strategy used by United States during Bush administration in 2001 to 2009 in East Asia. The objective of this thesis is to analyze why the U.S applies this strategy and uses quantitative descriptive methodology. Furthermore, concerning on the context in East Asia where the U.S is the hegemon, this thesis provides the number of the military deployment (troops), the military balance among the U.S allians data to help the writer to analyze the current structure in this region. Finally, this thesis comes up to the conclusion that the U.S. uses buck-passing strategy in this regions influenced by unbalanced multipolarity."

"There are two main versions of the Panji story in the Thai literary tradition, entitled Inao and Dalang respectively. Both versions were first composed at the Thai court in roughly the eighteenth century and have provided inspiration for Thai arts ever since. Of the two stories, the Inao has become much more popular than the Dalang. The most influential Inao work was composed by King Rama II (r. 1809-1824) and his reign is widely accepted as the heyday of Inao. There was also another period of time in which the Inao theme was popular: the reign of King Chulalongkorn (r. 1868-1910). This article is an examination of the presentation of the Inao story during the reign of King Chulalongkorn and also presents an assessment of the significance of these Inao works to the Inao tradition. The findings of this article reveal that, during this period, the Inao story was presented in an increasingly diversified number of art and cultural works in both traditional and new styles. These Inao works marked a significant turning-point in the Inao culture and indicate that not only was the reign of King Chulalongkorn “a Golden Age” of the Inao in Thailand, but it was also “a transitional period” in the Thai Panji tradition."

"China?s perception of the international order has been consistent on three points. Firstly, China believes that the international order is based on the power and interests of major countries, and that the existing order is the hegemonistic order imposed by the United States. Secondly, China argues that aspects of the aforementioned international order are unfair and unreasonable, and must be reformed. Thirdly, when discussing the international order, China will without fail refer to the Charter of the United Nations and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. Article 2 of the U.N. Charter and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence provide for equality among sovereign states, noninterference in internal affairs, and peaceful coexistence of differing political regimes, and they are of vital importance for China, which sees the continuation of the administration of the Communist Party as an overriding imperative. While China?s aforementioned perception of the international order has remained largely consistent, China has in the past displayed passive resistance to the international order or participated only passively in it. Amid a shift in the balance of power, however, arguments calling for greater participation and communication in the existing international order are gradually gaining ground in China. Moreover, there has also emerged an argument for China?s involvement in the restructuring and development of the international order. At present, however, China has yet to generate new norms or values that are universally acceptable. The shift in the relative balance of power has lent momentum to the formation of a new international order, and it is expected that China will assert itself more strongly going forward."