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"Segala tindakan pembentukan kebijakan luar negeri seringkali mendapatkan penilai publik berdasarkan landasan justifikasi rasionalnya. Ketika hasil uji kebijakan dianggap tidak mencerminkan pilihan yang menguntungkan, seringkali kebijakan tersebut akan dipertanyakan gunanya. Oleh karena itu, untuk menguji suatu kebijakan luar negeri sebagai sebuah kebijakan yang rasional diperlukan landasan tertentu. Ketika banyak upaya penjelasan rasionalisasi kebijakan datang dari level analisis negara, faktanya pandangan subjektif pemimpin akan memainkan lebih banyak peran dalam prosesnya. Karena itu menjadi menarik untuk melihat segala elemen yang membentuk pola pikir pemimpin, yang dapat dijelaskan lewat studi idiosinkratik personal. Dalam konsep yang dituliskan oleh Alex Mintz dan Karl DeRouen Jr. dijelaskan bagaimana peran faktor nilai idiosinkratik manusia membentuk pribadi dan pola pikir dan mempengaruhi rasionalitas yang unik bagi setiap orang.Ketika secara spesifik melihat kepada kasus pembentukan kebijakan luar negeri Trump Wall yang dibentuk pada masa kepemimpinan Donald Trump sebagai presiden Amerika Serikat, kebijakan ini seringkali dianggap kontroversial dikarenakan besarnya dampak negatif yang diberikan pada Amerika Serikat. Oleh karena itu menjadi menarik untuk mengupas lebih dalam lagi baik proses pembentukannya, maupun faktor-faktor yang berperan membentuk justifikasi rasional personal Donald Trump yang melandasi cara pikirnya dalam menentukan tindakan. Dengan menggali lebih dalam motif pemicu Trump baik dari faktor latar belakang personal, faktor situasi eksternal, faktor respon terhadap situasi, serta faktor indikasi inkapabilitas mental Trump, maka hal ini dapat memberikan penjelasan spesifik terhadap alasan mengapa Trump membentuk kebijakan Trump Wall. Adapun penelitian ini merupakan penelitan yang bersifat kualitatif sesuai dengan pengertian yang dijelaskan oleh Michael Hubermann, dan menggunakan sumber data sekunder yang diperoleh lewat studi literatur, baik buku, jurnal, maupun berita. Sumber data ini dipilih dikarenakan keterbatasan akses penulis untuk melakukan wawancara langsung dengan Donald Trump.

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Every act of forming foreign policy often gets a public appraisal based on its rational justification. When the results of the policy test are deemed not to reflect a favorable choice, often the policy will be questioned as to its usefulness. Therefore, to test a foreign policy as a rational policy a certain foundation is needed. When many attempts to explain the rationalization of a policy are seen from the state level analysis, it is not exactly right because of how the subjective view of the leader will play a bigger role in the process of decision making. Therefore, it becomes interesting to see all the elements that make up the mindset of a leader, which can be explained through personal idiosyncratic studies. In a concept written by Alex Mintz and Karl DeRouen Jr. explained how the role of human idiosyncratic value factors in the process of personal formation and the influential mindset in forming a unique rationality for each person.

When specifically looking at the case of the formation of Trump Wall's foreign policy which was formed during the leadership of Donald Trump as president of the United States. This policy is often considered controversial because of the large negative impact it has on the United States. Therefore, it becomes interesting to examine more deeply both the process of its formation, as well as the factors that play a role in shaping Donald Trump's personal rational justification which underlies his way of thinking in determining his actions. By digging deeper into Trump's triggering motives from personal background factors, external situation factors, response factors to the situation, as well as factors indicating Trump's mental incapacity, this can provide a specific explanation for the reasons why Trump feels that forming Trump Wall policies is an appropriate action. This research is a qualitative research in accordance with the understanding described by Michael Hubermann, and uses secondary data sources obtained through literature studies, both books, journals, and news. This data source was chosen due to the author's limited access to direct interviews with Donald Trump."

"In recent years, Donald Trump has emerged as one of the most controversial figures that often surprised many scholars and world leaders due to his statements and decisions in the U.S. foreign policy. As joseph nye posits, Trump's behaviour and its role as president cannot be easily dismidded in the U.S. foreign policy discourse. "

"ABSTRAKKemenangan Donald Trump dalam pemilihan umum Amerika Serikat tahun 2016 membuka babak baru peralihan kebijakan yang lebih konservatif. Presiden Trump telah menyampaikan rencana perekonomian di masa pemerintahannya yang dipaparkan melalui platform Partai Republik, America First Blueprint, Executive Order, dan janji-janji kampanye.Penelitian ini mengkaji rancangan dan implementasi kebijakan proteksionisme Presiden Trump serta implikasinya terhadap ekonomi Amrika Serikat dan rezim perdagangan global.. Hasil penelitian menyatakan Presiden Trump melaksanakan proteksionisme di Amerika Serikat dalam berbagai bentuk seperti penarikan diri dari negosiasi dan perjanjian Trans-Pacific Partnership serta penerapan antidumping, countervailing-duty, Safeguard, dan regulasi unfair trade practices. Bentuk kebijakan proteksionisme yang masih dalam proses perencanaan adalah penurunan pajak bagi perusahaan dalam negeri, implementasi tarif terhadap barang impor Republik Rakyat Tiongkok, renegosiasi North-American Free Trade Agreement, dan pembangunan tembok perbatasan antara Meksiko dan Amerika Serikat.Penelitian ini juga mengungkapkan bahwa kebijakan proteksionisme Trump diharapkan membawa dampak bagi perekonomian dalam negeri Amerika Serikat dan rezim perdagangan global. Kebijakan proteksionisme Presiden Trump diharapkan dapat memberikan dampak terhadap perekonomian dalam negeri Amerika Serikat antara lain peningkatan produktivitas manufaktur, peningkatan Produk Domestik Bruto, penurunan ekspor dan impor melalui kebijakan proteksionisme terhadap impor bahan baku, eskalasi kerja sama bilateral dengan negara-negara tertentu, dan penurunan kerja sama multilateral atau regional. Kebijakan proteksionisme Trump juga diharapkan dapat memberikan dampak terhadap rezim perdagangan global seperti penurunan pengaruh dan kekuatan hegemoni Amerika Serikat dalam rezim perdagangan global.

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ABSTRACTDonald Trump rsquo's victory in 2016 presidential election of the United State commences new round of transition to a more conservative economic policy. President Trump already described his future policies in Republican platform, America First Blueprint, Executive Order, and campaign pledges.This research deals with the design and implementation of President Trump rsquo's protectionist policies and their impacts on global trade regime. The results indicate that President Trump permitted protectionism in the United States in various forms such as withdrawal from Trans Pacific Partnership negotiations and agreement as well as enactment of antidumping, countervailing duty, Safeguard, and unfair trade practices regulation. Other protectionist policies which are still in the process of development are the reduction of domestic corporate taxes, the reduction of tariffs on goods imported from People rsquo's Republic of China, North American Free Trade Agreement renegotiation, and construction of the border wall between Mexico and the United States.The research also concludes that Trump rsquo s protectionist policies would have impacts on the economy of United States and global trade regime. The President Trump rsquo's protectionism policies is expected to have effects on the domestic economy of the United States including on the enhancement of industrial productivity, Gross Domestic Product growth, decrease in export and import growth through tariff imposed on raw material imports, bilateral cooperation facilitation with certain countries, and reduction of multilateral or regional cooperation. Whereas, the policy is also hoped to give impacts on global trade regime such as on the reduction of United States rsquo's influence in the global trade regime and its hegemonic power."

"Penelitian ini membahas tinjauan politik dan keamanan tembok perbatasan Amerika Serikat-Meksiko pada masa pemerintahan Donald Trump (2017-2019). Penulis memilih era pemerintahan Trump karena dalam perpolitikan AS, kebijakan sekuritisasi perbatasan mengalami tightening (penegangan) pada masa Trump. Penulis meneliti pembangunan tembok perbatasan dalam kaitannya dengan keamanan dalam negeri AS. Kemudian penulis menganalisis sikap dua partai dominan di AS yaitu Partai Demokrat dan Partai Republik. Dalam penelitian ini, penulis menggunakan dua konsep yang berkaitan satu sama lain yaitu Konsep Kedaulatan Negara, dan Konsep Keamanan Nasional. Penulis menggunakan metode analisis kualitatif eksploratif. Hasil temuan menunjukkan bahwa ditinjau dari aspek keamanan, kebijakan Trump membangun tembok perbatasan AS-Meksiko kurang relevan karena imigran ilegal dari Amerika Latin yang datang ke AS tidak terbukti meningkatkan tingkat kejahatan di dalam AS. Tinjauan politik menunjukkan bahwa kedua belah pihak baik Partai Demokrat dan Partai Republik sama-sama menganggap bahwa keamanan perbatasan itu penting. Namun pihak Partai Demokrat tidak setuju dengan gagasan tembok. Ketidaksetujuan tersebut didasarkan pada beberapa alasan diantaranya: pertama, hingga saat ini Trump tak kunjung melakukan implementasi pembangunan tembok sesuai dengan janji kampanyenya pada tahun 2016 untuk membangun tembok konkrit. Kedua, tembok bukan merupakan alat keamanan yang efektif. Ketiga, tembok perbatasan dinilai mustahil karena melewati topografi yang beragam. Keempat, kebijakan tembok merupakan masalah bukan solusi karena Trump menempatkan imigran dalam posisi yang lebih vulnerable. Bagaimanapun kedua belah pihak sama-sama melakukan politisasi tembok. Partai Republik mempertahankan pembangunan tembok demi elektabilitas Trump pada pemilu presiden AS tahun 2020, sedangkan Partai Demokrat berusaha menyeimbangkan suara di negara-negara bagian berbasis imigran.

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This research discusses the political and security review of the United States-Mexico border wall during Donald Trumps administration (2017-2019). The author chooses Trump administration because on US politics, the border securitization policy undergoes tightening during the Trump era. The author examines the border wall establishment and its relation to US internal security. The author analyzes the attitude of the two dominant parties in the US namely the Democratic Party and the Republican Party. In this research, the author applies two concepts that related to each other namely the concept of State Sovereignty and the concept of National Security with explorative qualitative analysis method. The findings show that in the security aspect, Trump's policy establishing the US-Mexico wall is less relevant because illegal immigrants from Latin America who come to the US are not proven to increase crime rates within the US. In the political aspect, both the Democratic Party and the Republican Party consider border security as an important matter. However, the Democratic Party does not agree with the idea of the wall. The Democratic Party does not agree with the wall because of several reasons: first, Trump has yet started constructing the wall as his campaign promise in 2016 to build concrete walls. Second, the wall will not become an effective security tool. Third, the border wall is impossible to build because it passes through various topographies. Fourth, the wall rather becomes a problem instead of becoming solution. Trump has placed immigrants in a more vulnerable position. Nevertheless, both parties are conducting the politicization of the wall. The Republican Party maintain the idea of constructing wall for Trumps electability in the 2020 presidential election, while the Democratic Party is trying to balance the votes in immigrant-based states."

"[ABSTRAKTesis Sarjana ini akan mengidentifikasi apakah Donald Trump adalah seorang narsisis dan apakah Trump Organization adalah organisasi narsis . Eksplorasi isu akan banyak dilakukan melalui review dari sumber sekunder seperti massa artikel media dan literatur ilmiah . Selain itu , sumber primer dari wawancara dan survei akan dipertimbangkan melalui analisis kualitatif dan kuantitatif . Dengan mengidentifikasi semua masalah , dapat disimpulkan bahwa Donald Trump dapat dikategorikan sebagai pemimpin narsis , meskipun Organisasi Trump tidak diindikasikan sebagai organisasi narsis . Tesis sarjana ini dapat diperluas untuk penelitian lebih lanjut atau studi ke kompatibilitas antara kepemimpinan dan organisasi gaya.

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ABSTRACTThis Bachelor Thesis will identify whether Donald Trump is a narcissist and whether Trump Organization is a narcissistic organization. The exploration of the issues will be mostly done through a review of secondary sources such as mass media articles and scientific literature. In addition, primary resources from interviews and survey will be considered through qualitative and quantitative analysis. By identifying all the issues, it can be concluded that Donald Trump can be categorized as a narcissistic leader, although Trump Organization is not indicated as a narcissistic organization. This bachelor thesis can be expanded for further research or study into the compatibility between leadership and organization styles., This Bachelor Thesis will identify whether Donald Trump is a narcissist and whether Trump Organization is a narcissistic organization. The exploration of the issues will be mostly done through a review of secondary sources such as mass media articles and scientific literature. In addition, primary resources from interviews and survey will be considered through qualitative and quantitative analysis. By identifying all the issues, it can be concluded that Donald Trump can be categorized as a narcissistic leader, although Trump Organization is not indicated as a narcissistic organization. This bachelor thesis can be expanded for further research or study into the compatibility between leadership and organization styles.]"

"ABSTRACTThe election of Donald J. Trump as the 45th US President has raised questions about the sustainability of US policy towards Asia. The negative rhetoric of Trumps campaign against China raises fears of increasing the instability of the region. The interdependent economic interests and US political interests in preventing North Korea's nuclear ambitions seem to make President Trump take a more realistic approach toward China. In the future, the dynamics of the region will remain dependent on the relationship and strategic rivalries between these two great powers. ASEAN needs to play a central role to maintain regional stability and peace."

"Many scholars believed that the changing of national leadership will to some extent also lead to the changing of foreign policy. This also applies to US foreign policy when Donald Trump took office as the 45th President of the US.Particularly in the foreign policy, his campaigns rhetoric brought up questions on the direction of US relations with its allies and adversaries. Previously, the US goverment under President Barrack Obama focused his foreign policy to Asia Pacific and Indonesia in particular with his "rebalance policy". With the changing of leadership of the US, some may argue that Donald Trump will also make some changes of his foreign policy toward Southeast Asia. This article discusses the possible impacts of the new US foreign polcy to Southeast Asia, in particular to Indonesia. It argues that in the short term, US foreign policy will pay more attention to non-Asia Pacific affairs. However, with the dynamic changes in the region, the US foreign policy to the region and especially to Indonesia will not alter substantially. US Vice President Mike Pence visit to Indonesia on April, 2017 indicated a positive continuity in US-Indonesia bilateral relations especially with discussion on deepening economic and security cooperation. To put it another way, there will be components of changes and continuity of US foreign policy to Indonesia due to its strategic interest to the region and to Indonesia."

""Believe me" may be the most commonly used phrase in Donald Trump's lexicon. Whether about building a wall or protecting the Christian heritage, the refrain is constant. And to the surprise of many, about 80% percent of white evangelicals have believed Trump-at least enough to help propel him into the White House. Historian John Fea is not surprised-and in Believe Me he explains how we have arrived at this unprecedented moment in American politics. An evangelical Christian himself, Fea argues that the embrace of Donald Trump is the logical outcome of a long-standing evangelical approach to public life defined by the politics of fear, the pursuit of worldly power, and a nostalgic longing for an American past. In the process, Fea challenges his fellow believers to replace fear with hope, the pursuit of power with humility, and nostalgia with history."

"[ABSTRAKTesis Sarjana ini akan mengidentifikasi apakah Donald Trump adalah seorang narsisis dan apakah Trump Organization adalah organisasi narsis . Eksplorasi isu akan banyak dilakukan melalui review dari sumber sekunder seperti massa artikel media dan literatur ilmiah . Selain itu , sumber primer dari wawancara dan survei akan dipertimbangkan melalui analisis kualitatif dan kuantitatif . Dengan mengidentifikasi semua masalah , dapat disimpulkan bahwa Donald Trump dapat dikategorikan sebagai pemimpin narsis , meskipun Organisasi Trump tidak diindikasikan sebagai organisasi narsis . Tesis sarjana ini dapat diperluas untuk penelitian lebih lanjut atau studi ke kompatibilitas antara kepemimpinan dan organisasi gaya.

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ABSTRACTThis Bachelor Thesis will identify whether Donald Trump is a narcissist and whether Trump Organization is a narcissistic organization. The exploration of the issues will be mostly done through a review of secondary sources such as mass media articles and scientific literature. In addition, primary resources from interviews and survey will be considered through qualitative and quantitative analysis. By identifying all the issues, it can be concluded that Donald Trump can be categorized as a narcissistic leader, although Trump Organization is not indicated as a narcissistic organization. This bachelor thesis can be expanded for further research or study into the compatibility between leadership and organization styles, This Bachelor Thesis will identify whether Donald Trump is a narcissist and whether Trump Organization is a narcissistic organization. The exploration of the issues will be mostly done through a review of secondary sources such as mass media articles and scientific literature. In addition, primary resources from interviews and survey will be considered through qualitative and quantitative analysis. By identifying all the issues, it can be concluded that Donald Trump can be categorized as a narcissistic leader, although Trump Organization is not indicated as a narcissistic organization. This bachelor thesis can be expanded for further research or study into the compatibility between leadership and organization styles]"