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"Pembentukan Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai Lembaga Peradilan pasca reformasi nyatanya memberikan angin segar bagi para pihak yang ingin berperkara. Salah satu kewenangan yang dimiliki oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi yang diberikan pada Pasal 24C ayat (1) yaitu memutus perselisihan tentang hasil pemilihan umum. Melalui kewenangan tersebut banyak gugatan perselisihan hasil pemilu diajukan ke Mahkamah Konstitusi. Dalil-dalil yang disampaikan beragam yaitu gugatan secara kualitatif atau gugatan kuantitatif namun, timbul perdebatan bahwa sejauh mana Mahkamah Konstitusi dapat mengadili perkara PHPU berdasarkan 2 (dua) pendekatan tersebut. Tesis ini hendak menjawab permasalahan yaitu mengenai macam-macam putusan MK dalam menangani perkara PHPU dan desain yang ideal agar tercapai nilai keadilan. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode yuridis normatif. Hasil Penelitian menunjukkan bahwa melihat beberapa putusan PHPU, Mahkamah Konstitusi memutus suatu perkara berbeda-beda dengan amar putusan yang melampaui dari ketentuan jenis putusan di UU Nomor 24 Tahun 2009 tentang Mahkamah Konstitusi. Formulasi desain yang ditawarkan adalah alat kelengkapan penyelesaian PHP Kada hendaknya juga terdapat di PHPU Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Pertimbangan estimasi waktu penyelesaian agar dapat diselaraskan mengingat kesamaan urgensi kekosongan Pemerintahan.

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The establishment of the Constitutional Court as a judicial institution after the reformation has in fact provided fresh air for parties who wish to litigate. One of the powers that the Constitutional Court has granted in Article 24C paragraph (1) is to decide on disputes over the results of general elections. Through this authority, many disputes over election results are submitted to the Constitutional Court. The arguments presented are various, namely qualitative or quantitative claims, however, there is a debate as to the extent to which the Constitutional Court can judge PHPU cases based on these 2 (two) approaches. This thesis intends to answer the problem, namely regarding the kinds of Constitutional Court decisions in handling PHPU cases and the ideal design to achieve the value of justice. The method used in this research is normative juridical method. The results showed that looking at several PHPU decisions, the Constitutional Court decided a case that was different from the verdict that exceeded the provisions of the type of decision in Law Number 24 of 2009 concerning the Constitutional Court. The design formulation offered is that the completion tool for PHPUD should also be available at the PHPU President and Vice President. Consideration of the estimated completion time so that it can be harmonized given the similarity of urgency for the absence of Government."

"ABSTRAKSkripsi ini adalah membahas pelaksanaan Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden secara langsung oleh rakyat pasca perubahan UUD 1945 yang telah dilaksanakan sejak Pemilihan Presiden Dan Wakil Presiden Tahun 2004. Pemilihan Umum secara langsung merupakan pelaksanaan demokrasi oleh masyarakat, memungkinkan timbulnya perselisihan dalam pelaksanaan dan perhitungan suara dalam penentuan pemenang pada pemilihan tersebut, untuk itu skripsi ini menguraikan tata cara penyelesaian sengketa Pemilu Presiden dan Wakil Presiden oleh lembaga peradilan Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai pemegang kekuasaan untuk mengadili sengketa Pemilu

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ABSTRACTThis paper isto discussthe implementation of the General Election of President and Vice President directly by the people after the 1945 changes that have been implemented since the election of President and Vice President in 2004. Election directly in the exercise of democracy by the people, allowing the emergence of disputes in the implementation and counting in determining the winner in the elections, for this thesis outlines the procedures for dispute resolution election of President and Vice President of the Constitutional Courtas ajudicial institution authority to adjudicate disputes elections"

"Skripsi ini adalah membahas pelaksanaan Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden secara langsung oleh rakyat pasca perubahan UUD 1945 yang telah dilaksanakan sejak Pemilihan Presiden Dan Wakil Presiden Tahun 2004. Pemilihan Umum secara langsung merupakan pelaksanaan demokrasi oleh masyarakat, memungkinkan timbulnya perselisihan dalam pelaksanaan dan perhitungan suara dalam penentuan pemenang pada pemilihan tersebut, untuk itu skripsi ini menguraikan tata cara penyelesaian sengketa Pemilu Presiden dan Wakil Presiden oleh lembaga peradilan Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai pemegang kekuasaan untuk mengadili sengketa Pemilu

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This paper isto discussthe implementation of the General Election of President and Vice President directly by the people after the 1945 changes that have been implemented since the election of President and Vice President in 2004. Election directly in the exercise of democracy by the people, allowing the emergence of disputes in the implementation and counting in determining the winner in the elections, for this thesis outlines the procedures for dispute resolution election of President and Vice President of the Constitutional Courtas ajudicial institution authority to adjudicate disputes elections."

"[ABSTRAKPenelitian ini membahas komunikasi yang terjadi dalam persidangan diMahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia (MKRI) sebagai ruang publik.Penelitian kualitatif dilakukan melalui metode studi kasus dengan desain studimultikasus. Dari hasil observasi yang dilakukan dapat diungkapkan bahwa proseskomunikasi persidangan MKRI memenuhi kategori ruang publik. Dalam prosespersidangan memang terjadi adanya intimidasi dalam persidangan di antara parapihak maupun perlakuan tidak setara yang dilakukan oleh Hakim Konstitusi.Namun secara keseluruhan proses komunikasi dalam persidangan MKRI termasuksebagai ruang publik.

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ABSTRACTThis study discusses the communication that occurs in the trial in theConstitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia (MKRI) as a public space.Qualitative research conducted through the case study method to multi-case studydesign. From the observations made can be disclosed that the communicationprocess hearing MKRI meet public space category. In the process of the trial doestake place for intimidation in the trial between the parties or unequal treatment iscarried out by the Constitutional Court. But overall communication process in thetrial MKRI including a public space, This study discusses the communication that occurs in the trial in theConstitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia (MKRI) as a public space.Qualitative research conducted through the case study method to multi-case studydesign. From the observations made can be disclosed that the communicationprocess hearing MKRI meet public space category. In the process of the trial doestake place for intimidation in the trial between the parties or unequal treatment iscarried out by the Constitutional Court. But overall communication process in thetrial MKRI including a public space]"

"[ABSTRAKPenelitian ini ingin melihat bentuk keberpihakan yang dilakukan oleh Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id dan Tempo.co terhadap pasangan calon presiden dan wakil presiden pada Pemilihan Presiden 2014. Keberpihakan dilihatmelalui dua dimensi yang terdapat dalam konsep imparsialitas yakni keberimbangan dan netralitas. Penelitian ini menemukan fakta bahwa pemberitaan yang dilakukan oleh media online yang diteliti cenderung tidak berimbang, dilihatndari tidak dimuatnya keterangan dua sisi dalam satu teks pemberitaan serta adanya pemfavoritan terhadap calon tertentu. Pemberitaan Kompas.com, Detik.com dan Tempo.co memfavoritkan pasangan Joko Widodo – Jusuf Kalla sementara pemberitaan Republika.co.id memfavoritkan pasangan Prabowo Subianto – Hatta Rajasa. Mengenai netralitas, mayoritas pemberitaan di Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id dan Tempo.co tidak mencampurkan fakta dan opini. Namun, pemberitaan yang dilakukan oleh Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id danTempo.co melakukan penyimpulan satu pihak.

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ABSTRACTThe study will examine how online media like Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id and Tempo.co partially support the candidates of Indonesian president and vice president on Presidential Election 2014. Online media in this study are those who does not have a direct affiliation to political interests. The concept of impartiality is used to identify the form of partiality. With following dimensions: balance and neutrality, this study found some facts. First, about balance, this study found a fact that online media which has been studied is not nbalance when reporting news. It proved by only a few news that give both sides opinion. This study also found that several media favoring certain candidates. Kompas.com, Detik.com and Tempo.co favoring Joko Widodo – Jusuf Kalla while Republika.co.id favoring Prabowo Subianto – Hatta Rajasa. Second, about nneutrality, this study found the majority of news in Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id and Tempo.co did not mix the fact and opinion. However, these media made one side conclusion by giving limited fact while reporting news., The study will examine how online media like Kompas.com, Detik.com,Republika.co.id and Tempo.co partially support the candidates of Indonesiapresident and vice president on Presidential Election 2014. Online media in thisstudy are those who does not have a direct affiliation to political interests. Theconcept of impartiality is used to identify the form of partiality. With followingdimensions: balance and neutrality, this study found some facts. First, aboutbalance, this study found a fact that online media which has been studied is notbalance when reporting news. It proved by only a few news that give both sidesopinion. This study also found that several media favoring certain candidates.Kompas.com, Detik.com and Tempo.co favoring Joko Widodo – Jusuf Kallawhile Republika.co.id favoring Prabowo Subianto – Hatta Rajasa. Second, aboutneutrality, this study found the majority of news in Kompas.com, Detik.com,Republika.co.id and Tempo.co did not mix the fact and opinion. However, thesemedia made one side conclusion by giving limited fact while reporting news.]"

"[ABSTRAKKedaulatan rakyat, demokrasi, dan pemilihan umum (pemilu) merupakan hal yang terkait satu dengan yang lain. Pemilu menjadi cara yang dipilih untuk menciptakan wakil-wakil rakyat yang dapat merepresentasikan keinginan dan kebutuhan rakyat. Di Indonesia, pemilu dilangsungkan untuk memilih anggota legislatif dan untuk memilih Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden di Indonesia harus memenuhi persyaratan untuk terpilih menjadi Presiden dan Wakil Presiden di Indonesia. Persyaratan tersebut adalah syarat suara mayoritas mutlak dan syarat persebaran suara. Kedua syarat tersebut diatur dalam Pasal 6A ayat (3) UUD 1945. Pada pemilu Presiden dan Wakil Presiden tahun 2014, syarat persebaran suara tidak diberlakukan. Hal ini karena hanya terdapat dua pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Padahal, kehadiran syarat persebaran suara adalah untuk mengakomodasi keberagaman antar daerah di Indonesia. Keberagaman atau perbedaan tersebut terutama dalam hal jumlah penduduk. Hadirnya syarat persebaran suara juga menjadikan daerah sebagai objek sehingga kelak daerah dapat memberikan legitimasinya kepada pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden tersebut. Ketidakberlakuan syarat persebaran suara akan membawa berbagai dampak baik dari sisi pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden maupun dari sisi daerah. Dampak yang mungkin timbul diantaranya adalah perolehan suara yang terpusat di daerah-daerah tertentu, muncul konsep minority of directors vs. majority of directed, kampanye yang berfokus pada daerah tertentu, dan pengesampingan makna demokrasi.

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ABSTRACTPeople’s sovereignty, democracy, and election are connected to each other. Election happens to be the method that is chosen to generate people’s representatives who can represent people’s wishes and needs. In Indonesia, election is held to choose the member of legislature and President and Vice President. The presidential candidates must fulfill the requirements to be elected as President and Vice President of Indonesia. The requirements are the majority requirements votes absolute and distribution requirement votes. Both of these requirements are regulated in Article 6A of the Act of 1945. On the presidential election in 2014, the distribution requirement was not implemented, because there were two pairs of President and Vice President Candidates. As a matter of fact, the existence of the distribution requirement votes is beneficial to accommodate the diversity among regions in Indonesia, particularly in terms of population. The existence of distribution requirement votes also makes the region becomes the object. As a result, the region can provide the legitimacy to the Presidential Candidates. Non-enforcement of distribution requirement votes will impact the Presidential candidates and the region itself. The possible impacts that will come out because of the non-enforcement of absolute distribution requirement are the ballot will be focused in certain regions, the concept of minority if directors vs. majority of directed will be appear, the campaign will be focused on certain regions, and the meaning of democracy will be neglected., People’s sovereignty, democracy, and election are connected to each other. Election happens to be the method that is chosen to generate people’s representatives who can represent people’s wishes and needs. In Indonesia, election is held to choose the member of legislature and President and Vice President. The presidential candidates must fulfill the requirements to be elected as President and Vice President of Indonesia. The requirements are the majority requirements votes absolute and distribution requirement votes. Both of these requirements are regulated in Article 6A of the Act of 1945. On the presidential election in 2014, the distribution requirement was not implemented, because there were two pairs of President and Vice President Candidates. As a matter of fact, the existence of the distribution requirement votes is beneficial to accommodate the diversity among regions in Indonesia, particularly in terms of population. The existence of distribution requirement votes also makes the region becomes the object. As a result, the region can provide the legitimacy to the Presidential Candidates. Non-enforcement of distribution requirement votes will impact the Presidential candidates and the region itself. The possible impacts that will come out because of the non-enforcement of absolute distribution requirement are the ballot will be focused in certain regions, the concept of minority if directors vs. majority of directed will be appear, the campaign will be focused on certain regions, and the meaning of democracy will be neglected.]"

"Tesis ini membahas mengenai strategi implementasi reformasi birokrasi di Sekretariat Wakil Presiden Republik Indonesia (Setwapres RI). Tujuan penelitian adalah untuk menganalisa strategi reformasi birokrasi yang dipilih dan dilaksanakan oleh Setwapres RI serta faktor-faktor yang mendukung dan menghambat implementasinya. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan post positivis. Berdasarkan hasil analisis atas formulasi strategi reformasi birokrasi dengan menggunakan Matriks of Optimum Reform Strategy (Hahn Been Lee) diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa strategi reformasi birokrasi yang dilakukan oleh Setwapres RI adalah strategi inkremental. Hasil penelitian merekomendasikan Sekretariat Wakil Presiden untuk membentuk sebuah unit kerja yang memiliki tugas dan fungsi khusus melaksanakan programprogram reformasi birokrasi di lingkungan internal Setwapres RI; menjalankan program change management secara periodik untuk mentransformasikan nilainilai reformasi birokrasi bagi pembentukan pola pikir dan budaya kerja; membangun Sistem Pengendalian Intern Pemerintah (SPIP) secara utuh sebagai early warning system atas pelaksanaan tugas dan fungsi seluruh unit kerja; dan meningkatkan komitmen serta efektivitas peran Pemimpin disemua level manajemen untuk mendorong keberhasilan reformasi birokrasi.

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This thesis discusses the strategy of bureaucratic reform implementation in the Secretariat of The Vice President of the Republic Indonesia (VP Office). The research goal was to analyze the strategy of bureaucratic reform that was chosen and executed by the VP Office, along with the factors that support and prohibit its implementation. The research is qualitative in nature that uses a post positive approach. Using the Matriks of Optimum Reform Strategy (Hahn Been Lee) as tool of analysis towards the formulation of the bureaucratic reform strategy, this research concludes that the bureaucratic reform strategy conducted by the VP Office is an incremental type of strategy.

Based from the results, this research recommends the following steps for the VP Office: that the VP Office establishes a working unit that specializes only in executing bureaucratic reform programs in the VP Office's internal environment; also implement a change management program periodically in order to transform bureaucratic reform values into a certain mind set and work culture; establish a comprehensive Governmental Internal Control System (Sistem Pengendalian Intern Pemerintah) to function as an early warning system towards the execution of all of the working units tasks and functions; increase the commitment and effectiveness of the leader's role in order to push for the successfulness of bureaucratic reform."

"Montesquieu membagi kekuasaan pemerintahan menjadi tiga cabang, yakni legislatif, eksekutif, dan kekuasaan kehakiman. Setelah amendemen UUD NRI 1945, Indonesia memiliki lembaga kehakiman, yakni Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK). Pembentukan MK ditujukan untuk menafsir dan mengawal konstitusi melalui putusannya. Salah satu kewenangan dari MK adalah memberikan putusan terkait dengan pemberhentian Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden atau proses impeachment Pasal 24C ayat (2) UUD NRI 1945. Dalam proses impeachment Presiden ada beberapa lembaga yang berperan, yakni lembaga politik DPR dan MPR serta lembaga peradilan yaitu MK. Adapun yang menjadi masalah proses yang dilaksanakan DPR ini adalah bersifat politis walaupun atas dasar dugaan pelanggaran hukum. Berbeda dengan lembaga politik, tentu lembaga peradilan mengambil keputusan berdasarkan fakta material. Sehingga, timbul persoalan jika MK memutuskan Presiden bersalah dan MPR kemudian membatalkan putusan tersebut dengan tidak memberhentikan Presiden. Penulis menggunakan metode yuridis-normatif dalam penelitian ini dengan menganalisis prinsip hukum dan sumber hukum tertulis terkait dengan impeachment di Indonesia dan membandingkannya dengan mekanisme impeachment di negara lain. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Peranan MK melalui putusannya memiliki peran yang strategis sebab putusan tersebut final dan mengikat bagi DPR sebagai pihak yang melakukan permohonan ke MK. Selain itu, putusan MK disini bukan sebagai vonis tetapi lebih kepada suatu pertimbangan hukum bagi DPR dan MPR. Maka dari itu, perlu untuk melakukan amendemen UUD 1945 dengan menjelaskan secara tegas mengenai sifat final dan mengikat putusan MK dalam proses pemberhentian Presiden atau Wakil Presiden.

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Montesquieu divided government power into three branches, namely legislative, executive, and judicial powers. After the amendment of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Indonesia has a judicial institution, namely the Constitutional Court (MK). The formation of the Constitutional Court is intended to interpret and guard the constitution through its decisions. One of the powers of the Constitutional Court is to give decisions related to the dismissal of the President and/or Vice President or the impeachment process of Article 24C paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. MK. The problem with the process carried out by the DPR is that it is political in nature even though it is based on alleged violations of the law. In contrast to political institutions, of course the judiciary makes decisions based on material facts. Thus, a problem arises if the MK decides the President is guilty and the MPR then cancels the decision by not dismissing the President. The author uses the juridical-normative method in this study by analyzing legal principles and written legal sources related to impeachment in Indonesia and comparing them with impeachment mechanisms in other countries. The results of the study show that the role of the MK through its decisions has a strategic role because the decisions are final and binding for the DPR as the party making the application to the MK. In addition, the MK decision here is not a verdict but rather a legal consideration for the DPR and MPR. Therefore, it is necessary to amend the 1945 Constitution by clearly explaining the final and binding nature of the Constitutional Court's decision in the process of dismissing the President or Vice President."

"Politik identitas etnis adalah suatu hal yang sulit untuk dihindari didalam masyarakat, apalagi dalam negara yang multi etnis seperti Indonesia. Politik etnis sendiri sengaja dilancarkan bagi orang-orang tertentu guna mendapatkan dukungan politik terhadap sesame etnisnya. Berkenaan dengan itu, Pasal 6A ayat 3 Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 hasil perubahan ketiga dari hasil amandemen mengenai syarat terpilihnya Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Indonesia, memunculkan konsekwensi politik yang berdamapak member peluang besar bagi etnis tertentu dan menutup kesempatan terpilihnya bagi etnis yang lain menjadi Presiden. Dalam hal ini apabila terjadi pergulatan politik etnis sangat menguntungkan bagietnis mayoritas dan sebaliknya sangat merugikan etnis minoritas. Adapun ketentuan terpilihnya seseorang menjadi Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Indonesia sesuai ketentuan pasal 6A ayat 3 UUD 1945 adalah memperoleh suara lebih dari 50% dengan sebaran sedikitnya 20% (duapuluh persen) suara disetiap provinsi yang tersebar di lebihdari ½ (setengah) jumlah provinsi di Indonesia. Dengan menggunakan system pemungutan suaraone man one vote serta syarat terpilih sebagaimana dalam pasal tersebut, maka sudah sangat terang menguntungkan etnis Jawa sebagai etnis mayoritas, pada Pemilu 2009 khusus di pulau Jawa dan Madura saja persentase pemilih etnis Jawa sebesar 59.87% belum termasuk di pulau-pulau lain di Indonesia. Dari uraian diatas penulis berpendapat bahwa untuk menjaga harmoni dalam keragaman etnis bangsa Indonesia, maka seharusnya memberikan kesempatan yang sama bagi seluruh etnis dalam mencapai puncak kekuasaan politik, yaitu menjadi Presiden Republik Indonesia, dengan cara amandemen UUD 1945 khususnya pasal 6A ayat 3 mengenai sebaran suara 20% diganti menjadi 50%+1setiap provinsi lebih dari ½ (setengah) provinsi di Indonesia.

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Ethnic identity politics is a difficult thing to avoid in society, especially in a multi-ethnic country like Indonesia. Ethnic politics itself deliberately waged for certain people to gain political support for one another ethnicity. With regard to that paragraph 3 of Article 6A of the Act of 1945 the results of the third amendment of the amended terms on the election of President and Vice President of Indonesia, raising the political consequences berdamapak provide great opportunities for certain ethnic and closing opportunities for other ethnic election as President. In this case the ethnic political struggle is very beneficial for the ethnic majority and ethnic minorities are otherwise very detrimental. The provisions of the election of a person to be the President and Vice President of Indonesia in accordance with paragraph 3 of Article 6A of the 1945 Constitution was to obtain more than 50% with a spread of at least 20% (twenty percent) vote in every province in more than ½ (half) number of provinces Indonesia. Using a voting system one man one vote and elected terms as in the article, it is very bright as ethnic Javanese favorable majority in the 2009 elections in the island of Java and Madura a percentage turnout of 59.87% Javanese island does not include-other islands in Indonesia. From the description above authors argue that in order to maintain harmony in the ethnic diversity of Indonesia, then it should provide equal opportunities for all ethnic groups to reach the summit of political power, which is to become President of the Republic of Indonesia, by way of amendments to the 1945 Constitution, particularly Article 6A paragraph 3 regarding the distribution of sound 20 % changed to 50% +1 every province more than ½ (half) of the provinces in Indonesia."

"Tesis ini mendeskripsikan dan menganalisa mengenai seorang tokoh pengusaha Aburizal Bakrie dan politik. Dalam penjabarannya penyusun memfokuskan pada permasalahan bagaimana gambaran aktivitas politik tokoh pengusaha dan bagaimana juga ia dapat berhasil tampil dalam gelanggang politik. Kasus yang dijadikan studi pada penelitian ini adalah aktivitas politik Aburizal Bakrie pada rangkaian Pemilihan Presiden-Wakil Presiden 2004.Metodologi yang digunakan adalah pendekatan kualitatif dengan jenis penelitian deskripsi-analisis. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui wawancara mendalam (indepth interview) dan studi pustaka (library research). Adapun teknik analisis data dilakukan secara iteratif (berkeianlutan) dan dikembangkan sepanjang program penelitian, mulai dari penetapan masalah, pengumpulan data dan setelah data terkumpulkan.Sedangkan kerangka teori yang digunakan adalah kekuasaan dan sumber politik dari Charles F. Andrain. Secara umum teori ini menandaskan bahwa kekayaan politik itu terkait dengan tiga hal, yakni pertama, seberapa besar sumber daya politik yang dimiliki dan didayagunakan. Sumber politik itu meliputi: sumber fisik, sumber ekonomi (kekayaan), sumber personal, sumber normatif, dan sumber keahlian. Makin besar kepemilikan atas sumber-sumber politik semakin besar pula kesempatan seseorang untuk dapat tampil dalarn gelanggang politik. Kedua, sarana yang didayagunakan, seperti organisasi dan jaringan personal. Dan ketiga, faktor pendorong yakni motivasi. Di sini dijelaskan bahwa makin kuat motivasi untuk memperoleh kekuaaan maka makin kuat juga dorongan untuk mendayagunakan sumber-sumber politiknya.Temuan dari penelitian ini adalah berhasilnya Aburizal Bakrie tampil dalam gelanggang politik pada Pilpres-Wapres 2004 tidaklah didorong oleh faktor tunggal, namun difasilitasi oleh multi faktor, yakni, sumber kekayaan, jaringan personal, dan motivasi.

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This thesis to describe and analyze about entrepreneur figure of Aburizal Bakrie and politic. In the explanation, writer will be focus on problem about how the picture of political entrepreneur activity and how he have success to act in political arena. The case will be studied on this research is AburizaI Bakrie's political activity in election of president and vice president 2004.

The methodology has used qualitative approach with kinds of description-analyze. Technical data accumulation is applied by in-depth interview and library research. Technical data analyze is applied by iterative and development while doing research program, namely deciding problem, accumulating data, and collecting data.

While, the frame of theory in this thesis are power and political resources from Charles F. Andrain. Generally, that theories explain that power of politic are related with three kinds, namely: Firstly, how much resources politic will he get and will be used. The resources of politic are included physic resources, economy resources (property), potential resources, normative resources, and skill resources. "More increasing someone have property of politic resources, easier he gets opportunity to act at political arena". Secondly, the usage of infrastructure of politic, as a organization and personal networking. Dan third, supporting factor, namely motivation. In here is explained that strong motivation to get power so that strong supporting to use politic resources.

The finding of this thesis is that the success of Aburizal Bakrie in political arena in president and vice president election 2004 is not supported by single factor, but it is facilitated by multi factor, namely, property resource, personal networking, and motivation."