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"Despite its much-touted agenda to fight poverty and corruption, the Aquino administration was not able to produce good results during its term at the national level. However, some political forces and policy reforms that emerged with the administration achieved remarkable change at the local level. This paper explores the case of Siquijor Province, where an entrenched political dynasty was defeated in the 2013 and 2016 elections by candidates supported by the Liberal Party and its allied forces, Akbayan, and analyzes factors that brought this change by focusing on activities of People Power Volunteers for Reform, the impact of bottom-up budgeting projects, and the mobilization of powers of the national government through personal relationships. It also notes achievements of the Aquino administration at the local level, provides a critical perspective to the elite democracy discourse that sticks to a static view of Philippine politics, and clarifies local practices by progressive forces that confront oligarchy."

"Despite its much-touted agenda to fight poverty and corruption, the Aquino administration was not able to produce good results during its term at the national level. However, some political forces and policy reforms that emerged with the administration achieved remarkable change at the local level. This paper explores the case of Siquijor Province, where an entrenched political dynasty was defeated in the 2013 and 2016 elections by candidates supported by the Liberal Party and its allied forces, Akbayan, and analyzes factors that brought this change by focusing on activities of People Power Volunteers for Reform, the impact of bottom-up budgeting projects, and the mobilization of powers of the national government through personal relationships. It also notes achievements of the Aquino administration at the local level, provides a critical perspective to the elite democracy discourse that sticks to a static view of Philippine politics, and clarifies local practices by progressive forces that confront oligarchy."

"Kinship Politics as a form of control of political space by the elites makes it easier for their family members to win an election against other candidates. Kinship Politics is prone to abuse of power that benefits just a few people. The author studied this problem using philosophical reflection. Humans have a relentless desire to achieve success or felicity (as Hobbes stated) that requires humans to continue accumulating power. Power must be attained and defended, although it means forgoing the ethical foundation. For this reason, this study aimed to analyse the moral consequences of the desire for power of the political elites in the 2020 Regional-Head Election (Pilkada) through an ethical lens. This study used descriptive and literature study method, as well as a qualitative approach, and the results of the study showed that the kinship politics in the 2020 Pilkada should not be continued in the perspective of consequentialism ethic that emphasizes the goal of happiness for as many people as possible, since Kinship politics that concentrated the power in one person supported by the circle of power will benefit only a handful of people."

"Skripsi ini membahas mengenai peran tiga lembaga yakni PA, CCC dan RC terhadap dominasi PAP dalam pemerintahan.Hasil penelitian mengungkapkan bahwa PAP menggunakan ketiga lembaga tersebu tsebagai sarana untuk mengawasi, memobilisasi dan mengontrol masyaraka tdari tingkat atas hingga bawah. Kedekatan antara ketiga lembaga tersebut dengan partai berkuasa PAP menciptakan keraguan mengenai tujuan sebenarnya dari pendirian ketiga lembaga akar rumput tersebut. Ide mengenai pendirian ketiga organisasi akar rumput tersebut merupakan inisiatif dari pemerintahan PAP yang digunakan untuk menjaga dominasi pemerintahan dan sebagai sarana untuk menyebarluaska nhegemoni ideologi partai yang akhirnya memungkinkan PAP untuk memobilisasi dukungan politik dalam situasi kritis yang sejalan dengan pemerintahan PAP yang efektif disamping mampu memfasilitasi dan menciptakan hubungan harmonis antar ras di Singapura, yang memiliki masyarakat plural.

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This thesis discusses about the role of the three institutions namely PA, CCC and RC toward PAP dominance in government.The results reveal that the PAP using three institutions to control, mobilize and surveilance to people from the upper to the lower sector in society. Their close association with the ruling PAP government can create doubts about their actual relevance and aims.

The initiation of grassroots organisations is initiative of the PAP government to helped maintain its political dominance and to extend the party's ideological hegemony. Additionally, it enabled the PAP to mobilise political support at critical moments and indirectly project the PAP government's effectiveness and thereby facilitated and created social harmony amongst race in Singapore plural societies."

"Skripsi ini akan memberikan kajian terkait dinamika politik internal pada saat Jusuf Kalla memimpin Partai Golkar. Pada periode ini, lahir dua partai politik baru yaitu Partai Hanura dan Partai Gerindra yang didirikan oleh Wiranto dan Prabowo yang mempunyai hubungan erat dengan Partai Golkar. Pada masa ini, menjadi awal dari penguasaan Partai Golkar oleh para saudagar. Di sisi lain, sebagai partai pendukung pemerintah, Partai Golkar juga mengalami penurunan perolehan suara di Pemilu 2009 dibanding Pemilu 2004. Ketiadaan mekanisme manajemen konflik yang baik membuat partai ini akan selalu dibayangi perpecahan. Partai politik lain akan kembali lahir dari Partai Golkar. Setidaknya sudah ada tiga partai besar yang lahir dari Partai Golkar, yaitu Partai Demokrat, Partai Hanura dan Partai Gerindra.

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This thesis will provide the internal political dinamic in the time of Jusuf Kalla lead Golkar Party. In this period, two political parties (Hanura and Gerindra) were born established by Wiranto and Prabowo that had close relation with Golkar Party. We can say that in this time Golkar Party by merchants. Golkar party had decreased for election in 2009 if compared with 2004. The bad management of risk makes this party always be shadowed by divisions. Al least, three new parties had born by Golkar, they are Democtrat Party, Hanura Party, and Gerindra Party."

"Pasca reformasi 1998, terjadi pertambahan jumlah partai politik yang signifikan di Indonesia, diikuti juga dengan pertambahan jumlah gerakan underbow nya. Termasuk disini Kelompok Pergerakan Mahasiswa UI yang meliputi ; Kelompok Tarbiyah, Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam, dan Pergerakan Mahasiswa Islam Indonesia, yang cukup dominan. Tahun 2012, terjadi fenomena calon tunggal dalam Pemira IKM UI 2012 yang mengindikasikan terjadinya dominasi oleh salah satu kelompok dalam persaingan politik yang terjadi. Penelitian ini membahas perubahan teritorial persaingan politik antar kelompok pergerakan mahasiswa di UI yang terjadi pada Tahun 2012. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan territoality (upaya menguasai wilayah) dan teritorial yang meliputi Heartland (Wilayah jantung pergerakan) dan Rimland (Wilayah gerak pergerakan) tiap-tiap kelompok. Penelitian ini bersifat kualitatif dengan analisis isi, meaning, dan life history dari perspektif spasial. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa teritorial persaingan politik didominasi oleh kelompok yang berhasil memiliki territoality lebih besar sehingga mampu menguasai teritorial heartland dan rimland lebih luas. Territoality lebih besar dapat dicapai dengan menguasai organisasi intra kampus. Teritorial persaingan politik terkuat berada di wilayah yang heartland antar kelompoknya berada di area yang sama, hal ini terjadi di wilayah Fakultas Hukum (FH). Pemira 2012 menghasilkan fakta bahwa kemenangannya masih didominasi oleh salah satu kelompok sehingga membuat perubahan teritorial persaingan yang terjadi tergolong rendah. Hal ini berdampak terhadap dua kelompok lainnya yang mengalami stagnasi sehingga menyebabkan pola keruangan heartland-rimland mereka tidak berubah sama sekali.

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After The Reform of 1998, there was added a significant number of political parties in Indonesia, followed by the increase of its underbow movement. Included here, Group of UI Student Movement; Tarbiyah Group, The Muslim Students Association, and The Indonesian Islamic Students Movement, which is quite dominant. In 2012, there was a phenomenon of single candidates in The Student Election of UI in 2012, which indicates domination by one group in a political competition going on. This study discusses the territotial change of political competition among a group of UI students movement that occurred in 2012. By using the approach territoality (effort control of the territory) and territories that include Heartland (area of main movement) and Rimland (regional motion movement) of each group. This study use qualitative method whose content, meaning, and life history analysis with a spatial perspective. The results showed that the territorial of political competition is dominated by the groups which have a greater territoality so as to master the wider territorial heartland and rimland. Greater territoality can be achieved with master intra-campus organization. The territorial of strongest political competition is located in region whose each of group's heartland areas are in the same area, this is the case in the Faculty of Law (FH). UI Student Election 2012 resulted in the fact that the victory is still dominated by one group, it makes the territotial change of political competition is going low. This has implications for the other two groups that have stagnated, causing spatial patterns of their heartland-Rimland have not changed at all."