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Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation (SLAPP) merupakan gugatan atau laporan yang dilakukan oleh pihak yang lebih kuat, seperti korporasi, pejabat publik, pelaku bisnis terkemuka dengan tujuan untuk menghentikan dan menggagalkan partisipasi publik yang dilakukan individu atau organisasi non-pemerintah, salah satu sasaran dari SLAPPadalah aktivis lingkungan hidup. Peraturan perundang-undangan di Indonesia telah mengatur tentang penerapan Anti-SLAPP sebagai pencegahan dari SLAPP di dalam Undang-Undang, Nomor 32 Tahun 2009 tentang Perlindungan dan Pengelolaan Lingkungan Hidup, tetapi pelaksanaan Anti-SLAPP di Indonesia masih belum sesuai dengan norma dari Anti-SLAPP yang mengakibatkan kasus SLAPP terhadap aktivis lingkungan hidup masih terjadi. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian hukum yuridis-normatif. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa penerapan Anti-SLAPP di Indonesia berdasarkan analisis Putusan Nomor 177/Pdt.G/2013/Pn.Mlg diterapkan apabila aktivis lingkungan hidup sebelumnya telah mengajukan gugatan terkait masalah lingkungan hidup, seharusnya Anti-SLAPP merupakan perlindungan untuk warga negara atas haknya untuk berpartisipasi terkait permasalah publik tanpa intimidasi dari pihak lain, seperti di Amerika Serikat dan Australia.

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Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation (SLAPP) is a civil or criminal lawsuit brought by powerful subjects, such as corporations, public officials, prominent business person with the intention to stop and thwart public participation by individuals or non-government organizations, one of SLAPP suit target is an environmental activists. Indonesia laws regulate the application of Anti-SLAPP under Law Number 32 of 2009 concerning Environmental Protection and Management, but the implementation of Anti-SLAPP in Indonesia is still not in accordance with the norms of Anti-SLAPP which resulted in the SLAPP case against environmental activists still occurring. This research is a juridical-normative legal research. The results of this study indicate that the application of Anti-SLAPP in Indonesia based on analysis of Decision Number 177 / Pdt.G / 2013 / Pn.Mlg applied when environmental activists filed a prior lawsuit related to environmental issues, Anti-SLAPP ought to be a protection for citizens for their rights to participate in public matter without intimidation from other, as well as in the United States of America and Australia.

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"Anti Strategic Lawsuit Against Publik Participation merupakan suatu ketentuan yang ditujukan untuk melindungi partisipasi masyarakat dari adanya upaya pembungkaman melalui sarana litigasi. Dalam konteks hukum Indonesia ketentuan ini ditujukan untuk melindungi hak setiap orang atas lingkungan hidup yang baik dan sehat dan dapat ditemukan dalam Pasal 66 UUPPLH. Walaupun telah diatur dalam suatu ketentuan Undang-Undang namun dalam kenyataannya masih saja ditemukan masyarakat yang dituntut ketika memperjuangkan hak atas lingkungan. Hal ini dapat disebabkan oleh berbagai permasalahan mulai dari belum jelasnya konteks partisipasi yang dilindungi, sulitnya penegakan hukum terkait ketentuan Anti SLAPP serta tidak jelasnya kedudukan ketentuan Anti SLAPP dalam hukum pidana Indonesia. Dalam penelitian ini, digunakan metode Yuridis Normatif dengan pendekatan undang-undang, konseptual dan kasus. Hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa partisipasi yang dapat dilindungi disini adalah konteks partipasi yang terdapat dalam UUPPLH dan Undang-Undang Pencegahan Perusakan Hutan selama partisipasi ini ditujukan untuk memperjuangkan hak atas lingkungan hidup  yang baik dan sehat, serta memenuhi syarat sebagai partisipasi yang layak dilindungi. Terkait dengan penegakan hukum Anti SLAPP belum sepenuhnya dapat dilaksanakan di Indonesia karena berbagai kelemahan dan permasalahan yang ditemukan dalam prakteknya. Selanjutnya terkait dengan kedudukan ketentuan Anti SLAPP dalam hukum pidana Indonesia, untuk menjadikan ketentuan ini dapat diimplementasikan dengan baik maka Anti SLAPP perlu dijadikan sebagai salah satu alasan penghapus pidana.Kata Kunci: Anti Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation, Hak Atas Lingkungan Hidup yang Baik dan Sehat, Pasal 66 UUPPLH.

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Anti Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation is a provision intended to protect public participation from silencing efforts through litigation. In the context of Indonesian law, this provision is aimed at protecting the right to good and healthy environment and can be found in Article 66 of the law No. 32 of 2009 concerning Environmental Management and Protection. Even though it has been regulated in a provision of the Law, in reality, people are still being prosecuted when fighting for the right to the environment. This can be caused by various problems ranging from the unclear context of protected participation, the difficulty of law enforcement related to Anti-SLAPP provisions and the unclear position of Anti-SLAPP provisions in Indonesian criminal law. In this research, the normative Juridical Method is used with a legal, conceptual and case approach. The results of this study conclude that participation that can be protected here in the context of participation contained in the environmental law and the Law on Prevention of Destruction of Forests during this participation aimed at fighting for the right to a good and healthy environment and fulfilling the requirements for participation that is worth protecting. Regarding Anti-SLAPP law enforcement, it cannot yet be fully implemented in Indonesia due to various weaknesses and problems found in practice. Furthermore, related to the position of Anti-SLAPP provisions in Indonesian criminal law, to make this provision can be implemented properly, Anti-SLAPP needs to be used as one of the reasons to eliminate punishment.Keyword: Anti Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation, Right to Good and Healthy Environment, Article 66 of Law No. 32 of 2009 concerning Environmental Management and Protection."

"Perjalanan relawan politik di Indonesia dalam konteks elektoral menjadi variabel yang tidak dapat dipisahkan dalam upaya mobilisasi suara. Penelitian ini melihat bahwa keberadaan relawan politik merupakan bentuk konkret dari kemajuan partisipasi politik warga negara. Meski demikian, keterlibatan politik warga negara dalam asosiasi ini juga kerap dipengaruhi dan ditentukan berbagai faktor. Penelitian ini menjawab pertanyaan tentang kemunculan organisasi relawan Ganjarian Spartan dan bentuk aktivisme politiknya dalam dukungan terhadap Ganjar Pranowo sebagai presiden pada Pemilu 2024. Peneliti menggunakan sudut pandang teori aktivisme politik oleh Pippa Norris yang menjabarkan faktor penentu aktivisme dan sifat aktivisme guna menangkap berbagai perkembangan fenomena aktivisme politik yang terjadi dari awal pembentukan hingga pergerakan dukungan sejak deklarasi. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data wawancara mendalam dan studi literatur. Penelitian ini menunjukkan fenomena relawan politik Ganjarian Spartan merupakan bagian dari aktivisme politik para pendirinya yang sudah berkecimpung sejak lama di dunia aktivisme. Keberadaan Ganjarian Spartan sebagai asosiasi kesukarelawanan pada akhirnya telah menjadi wadah pendorong anggotanya untuk terlibat dalam aktivisme politik yang baru seperti, pemungutan suara, aktivisme kampanye, aktivisme komunitas, hingga aktivisme kontak langsung.

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The journey of political volunteers in Indonesia in the electoral context is an inseparable variable in efforts to mobilize votes. This study sees that the existence of political volunteers is a concrete form of advancing citizen political participation. However, political engagement in this association is also often influenced and determined by various factors. This study answers questions about the emergence of the Ganjarian Spartan volunteer organization and its forms of political activism in support of Ganjar Pranowo as president in the 2024 election. The researcher uses the point of view of the theory of political activism by Pippa Norris which describes the determinants of activism and the nature of activism to capture various developments in the phenomenon of political activism that happened from the beginning of formation to the movement of support since the declaration. The research method used is qualitative with in-depth interview data collection techniques and literature studies. This research shows that the phenomenon of Ganjarian Spartan political volunteers is part of the political activism of its founders who have been involved in the world of activism for a long time. The existence of Ganjarian Spartan as a voluntary association has finally become a vehicle for encouraging its members to engage in new political activism such as voting, campaign activism, community activism, to direct contact activism."

"Komunitas brand adalah suatu komunitas khusus, tidak terikat berdasarkan geografis, dan berdasarkan hubungan sosial yang terstruktur di antara para pengagum brand. Pada skripsi ini komunitas brand Lingkaran diangkat sebagai obyek studi dengan tujuan mengetahui nilai konsumsi apa saja yang mempengaruhi intensi seseorang untuk menjadi bagian dari komunitas brand. Penelitian memakai pendekatan kuantitatif yang menitikberatkan pada pengujian hipotesis agar dapat menghasilkan generalisasi kepada pengikut Instagram Lingkaran selaku populasi. Peneliti memperoleh data primer berupa survei daring dari 191 responden (tingkat respon 31,8%) yang terpilih berdasarkan teknik simple random sampling lalu dihubungi langsung melalui pesan pribadi. Dengan menggunakan analisis regresi linear berganda, hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa hanya nilai sosial dan nilai kondisional yang berpengaruh signifikan dengan kontribusi sebesar 33,1%. Sementara nilai fungsional, nilai emosional, dan nilai epistemik tidak berpengaruh secara signifikan terhadap intensi seseorang untuk menjadi bagian dari komunitas brand. Temuan tersebut mengindikasikan bahwa karakteristik seseorang yang mempunyai intensi untuk menjadi bagian dari komunitas brand Lingkaran adalah orang yang memiliki minat pada industri kreatif tetapi hanya bersosialisasi ketika didukung situasi tertentu. Maka dari itu, penelitian mengimplikasikan Lingkaran untuk lebih memerhatikan aspek interaksi sosial, peningkatan sosial, dan situasi ketika merancang strategi komunikasi supaya semakin memotivasi pengikut Instagram untuk bergabung menjadi anggota komunitas brand Lingkaran.

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A brand community is a specialized, non-geographically bound community, based on a structured set of social relationships among admirers of a brand. This thesis wants to see what consumption values influence someone's intention to be part of the brand community, using the Lingkaran as the object of this study. The research uses a quantitative approach that emphasizes hypotheses testing to produce generalizations to Lingkaran's Instagram followers, which used as the population of this study. Researchers collect primary data in the form of an online survey from 191 respondents (31.8% response rate) who were selected based on simple random sampling techniques and contacted through private message. By using multiple linear regression analyses, the results of this research show that only social value and conditional value had significant influence with a contribution of 33.1%. On the other hand, functional value, emotional value, and epistemic value do not significantly influence someone's intention to be part of the brand community. These findings indicate that character someone who has the intention to be part of the Lingkaran's brand community is someone who has interest in the creative industry but only socializes when supported by certain situations. Therefore, research suggests that Lingkaran should pay more attention to aspects such as social interaction, social improvement, and situations when designing communication strategies to further motivate Lingkaran's Instagram followers to join the brand community.

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"ABSTRAK

Libanon adalah sebuah negara di Timur Tengah yang menerapkan pola patron-client dalam dinamika politik. Pola ini berjalan sejak jaman Usmani sampai pada masa pemerintahan Republik Libanon dan terns berjalan dalam memasuki abad ke-21. Di Libanon zaim (tokoh masyarakat) adalah sang patron, sementara masyarakat adalah para client. Kepemimpinan zaim (jamak: zuama') di Libman sangat dominan pada masa terbentuknya Republik Libanon pada tahun 1943, perang saudara dan pada pemilu parlementer. Ini menunjukkan bahwa pola patron-client yang feodal, dapat eksis pada sebuah negara dan masyarakat yang telah mengadopsi ideologi republik.

Metode yang diterapkan dalam penulisan tesis ini adalah metode studi kasus. Di mana tesis ini hanya menjelaskan pola patron-client di Libanon. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan melalui studi pustaka.

Pola patron-client dapat tetap berjalan di Libanon, karena pola ini adalah sebuah pola yang 'nail?. Pola patron-client dapat memasuki dan 'berasimilasi' dengan sistem republik. Zuama' juga dipandang sebagai pengikat sebuah komunitas, tidak hanya sekedar pemimpin komunitas. Sistem patriarchal yang telah membudaya di Libanon selama berabad-abad juga menjadi penyebab mengapa pola patron-client tetap berjalan di Libanon. Zuama' dipandang sebagai sang ayah dan provider, yang otoritasnya tidak dapat diganggu gugat oleh komunitas. Namun dengan berjalannya waktu, kekuasaan zuama' tergeser dengan naiknya pamor politisi-politisi non-zuama', khususnya dari warga Syiah. Hal ini dikarenakan zuama' tidak dapat memberikan sesuatu kepada komunitas, khususnya warga Syiah.

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ABSTRACT

Lebanon is a country in the Middle East that's still use patron-client relationships in her political dynamics. Patron-client relationships in Lebanon have existed since the Ottoman time up to the present time. In Lebanon zuama' (community leaders) act as the patrons, while the clients are the rest of the populations. Zaim or zuama' (p1.) have been very dominant during the establishment of the republic in 1943, civil wars, and parliamentary elections. It shows that, even though patron-client system is feudal in nature, it has survived in a country which adopting republican system of government.

The method use for this thesis is a study case method. Since this thesis is concentrate in explaining patron-clients patterns in Lebanon. Researched for this thesis was done through library researches.

Patron-client patterns still exist in Lebanon because of its 'fluidity'. It can 'penetrate' and 'assimilate' with the republican system. As for the community, zuama' are seen as someone who holds the community together, not only as a mere leader. Patriarchal system in Lebanon, which had become a part of the local culture, had contributed to the existence of patron-clients patterns. Zaim is seen as the father and the provider of the community with unquestioned authority. However, as the time moves on, the authority of zuama' had been challenged by non-zuama' politicians, especially among the Shi'a community. These changes occur because some zuama' are unable to fulfill the needs of their communities."

"[ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui perbandingan hubungan antara partisipasi politik dengan subjective well being pada mahasiswa aktivis dan mahasiswa non aktivis di Universitas Indonesia. Alat ukur yang digunakan untuk mengukur partisipasi politik adalah CPS (Citizen Participation Study), sedangkan alat ukur subjective well being adalah SWLS (Satisfaction With Life Scale) dan PANAS (Positive Affect and Negative Affect Scale).Kelompok mahasiswa aktivis dan non- aktivis dibedakan berdasarkan keikutsertaannya sebagai pengurus bidang sosial politik atau ketua BEM. Responden penelitian berjumlah 128 orang dengan rincian 75 mahasiswa non-aktivis dan 53 mahasiswa aktivis. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa mahasiswa aktivis memiliki tingkat partisipasi politik yang lebih tinggi dibandingkan dengan mahasiswa non- aktivis.Uji partial correlation tidak menunjukkan hubungan yang signifikan antara partisipasi politik dengan subjective well being. Perbedaan kelompok juga tidak memberikan pengaruh terhadap hubungan antara partisipasi politik dan subjective well being.ABSTRACTThe objective of this research is to compare the correlation between political participation and subjective well being among activist student and non activist student in Universitas Indonesia. Political participation are measured with adapted CPS (Citizen Participation Study) survey and subjective well being are measured with SWLS (Satisfaction With Life Scale) and PANAS (Positive Affect and Negative Affect Scale). The group of activist student are identified by their participation as board member of social politics departments or as president of BEM (student executive board). 128 students are involved in this research, 75 students are nonactivist and 53 students are activist. This study shows that activist student have higher political participation compared to non activist student.Partial correlation examination does not show correlation between political participation and subjective well being. Group difference neither give effect to correlation beetween political participation and subjective well being., The objective of this research is to compare the correlation between political participation and subjective well being among activist student and non activist student in Universitas Indonesia. Political participation are measured with adapted CPS (Citizen Participation Study) survey and subjective well being are measured with SWLS (Satisfaction With Life Scale) and PANAS (Positive Affect and Negative Affect Scale). The group of activist student are identified by their participation as board member of social politics departments or as president of BEM (student executive board). 128 students are involved in this research, 75 students are nonactivist and 53 students are activist. This study shows that activist student have higher political participation compared to non activist student.Partial correlation examination does not show correlation between political participation and subjective well being. Group difference neither give effect to correlation beetween political participation and subjective well being.]"

"ABSTRACTRepresentation of women in the legislature is important. The presenceof women members of parliament (MPs) does not only balance thenumber of parliamentarians (gender balance), but also encourageswomens issues to be a priority, so that various gender sensitive policies are born. This study focuses on women legislator in nine regencies/cities of Eastern Indonesia, namely: Maros Regency, Bone Regency, Tana Toraja Regency, Parepare City, Mataram City, East Lombok Regency, Kendari City, Belu Regency and Ambon City. This study looks at women legislators portraits in nine research areas, obstacles in implementing main tasks and functions as women legislator and relations with various related groups. This study applies a phased mixed method design that focuses on qualitative studies. Data collection is done througt document review, surveys, and in-depth interviews. This research found that in order to guarantee the struggle for womens political agenda, capacity building was needed for Parliamentary Members of Women in Eastern Indonesia."

"ABSTRAKAlthough it has not yet reached an ideal composition, the adoption of a 30% quota of women in elections in Indonesia has increased the number of women in parliament, both at the central level (House ofRepresentative/DPR) and at the regional level (local legislative councils/DPRD). However, the issue of womens representation in parliament is not only a matter of representation based on sex, but also of substantive representation, where womens political agenda can be voiced. One of the concepts developed by feminist thinking is the concept of critical actors. This article seeks to explain how womens organizations and parliamentarians are critical actors that encourage womens involvement with parliament. This article explains how the involvement between womens organizations and parliament can strengthen the substantive representation of women in both the DPR and the DPRD. It is based on studies conducted on a model of strengthening the involvement of several womens organizations with the DPR and DPRD, which was developed by MAMPU and its partner organizations."

" ABSTRAK Penelitian ini berfokus pada analisa terhadap usulan pembentukan Provinsi Tapanuli Protap tahun 2002-2009. Pertanyaan utama yang diangkat adalah mengapa usulan pembentukan Protap dari tahun 2002-2009 tidak dapat terwujud. Pertanyaan tersebut dielaborasi melalui metode penelitian kualitatif dan disajikan dalam ekplanasi analitis. Penelitian ini menggunakan kerangka analisis koalisi vertikal dengan melihat aktor yang hadir dalam relasi institusional, sosial, dan personal. Dalam studi Kimura, koalisi vertikal menjadi penentu keberhasilan usulan pembentukan DOB. Namun, dalam penelitian ini usulan pembentukan Protap tidak terwujud walaupun koalisi vertikal berhasil terbentuk. Hal ini disebabkan oleh munculnya kompetisi elit sebagai intervening variable. Munculnya kompetisi elit tersebut dipicu oleh beberapa faktor, seperti kompetisi lokasi ibukota, kompetisi teritorial antara Pemerintah Provinsi Sumut dan Panitia Pembentukan Provinsi Tapanuli, kompetisi partai politik, kompetisi untuk kursi gubernur, dan kompetisi media massa. Kompetisi elit ini yang kemudian menyebabkan koalisi vertikal tidak dapat bekerja dalam mendukung terwujudnya Protap dan sekaligus menjadi jawaban atas pertanyaan utama dalam penelitian ini.

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ABSTRACT This study focuses on the analysis of the proliferation proposal of Tapanuli Province in 2002 2009. The main question is why the proliferation proposal of the Tapanuli Province in 2002 2009 cannot be realized. The question is elaborated through qualitative research methods and presented in an analytical explanation. This study uses the analytical framework of vertical coalition to see the actors present in the institutional, social, and personal relations. In Kimura rsquo s study, vertical coalitions determines the success of a new autonomous region proliferation proposal. This study shows that the proliferation proposal of Tapanuli Province fails to materialize despite the formation of a vertical coalition. This is due to the emergence of elite competition as an intervening variable. The emergence of the elite competition was triggered by several factors, such as the competition about the location of the capital city, territorial competition between North Sumatera Government and the Tapanuli Province Proliferation Committee, political party competition, the competition for the governorship seat, and the competition between mass media. The existence of elite competition hampers vertical coalition to support the realization Tapanuli Province, and such is also the answer to the main question of this study."