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"Tesis ini dilatarbelakangi perkembangan Lembaga MPR sebelum dan sesudah perubahan UUD 1945 yang mempengaruhi sistem ketatanegaraan di Indonesia sekaligus berdampak pada Produk hukum yang dikeluarkan oleh MPR dalam hal pengangkatan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden terpilih. Permasalahan pertama pada Tesis ini Bagaimana pengangkatan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Terpilih Sebelum dan Sesudah perubahan UUD NRI 1945, kedua Bagaimana Konsekuensi yuridis apabila mengeluarkan Ketetapan MPR yang bersifat beschikking tentang Pengangkatan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden terpilih. Bahwasanya Sebelum perubahan Kedaulatan berada ditangan rakyat, dan dilakukan sepenuhnya oleh Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat. Presiden mandataris MPR, Pasal 6 ayat (2) UUD 1945 sebelum perubahan yakni memilih dan mengangkat Presiden dan Wakil Presiden kewenangan MPR dalam hal pengangkatan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden terpilih terdapat Ketetapan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat tentang Pengangkatan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden terpilih. Sesudah perubahan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 pelaksanaan kedaulatan rakyat dilaksanakan menurut Undang-Undang Dasar, Pasal 6 A Presiden/Wakil Presiden dipilih oleh rakyat secara langsung. Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat hanya memiliki hubungan yang terbatas terhadap Presiden. Kedua, Ketetapan MPR Nomor: I/MPR/2003 memberikan eksistensi Ketetapan MPR yang masih berlaku. Ketetapan MPR dimasa mendatang hanya bersifat beschikking. Lembaga MPR merupakan Lembaga negara statis namun MPR akan terlihat keberadaannya jika menghasilkan produk-produk untuk menjalankan kewenangannya. Ketetapan MPR tentang Pelantikan Presiden dan wakil Presiden merupakan ketetapan individual konkret dan sekali selesai einmahlig, dimana MPR hanya sekedar mendeklarasi, tidak mengubah pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden oleh Rakyat, tetapi sekedar menetapkan hasil pemilihan tersebut untuk penetapan atas status Presiden untuk menjalankan masa jabatan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden terpilih.

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This thesis was motivated by the development of the MPR before and after the amendments to the 1945 Constitution which affected the constitutional system in Indonesia as well as had an impact on the legal products issued by the MPR in terms of the appointment of the elected President and Vice President. The first problem in this thesis is how to appoint the elected president and vice president before and after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, the second, what are the juridical consequences of issuing beschikking MPR decrees on the appointment of the elected President and Vice President. That before the change, the sovereignty was in the hands of the people, and was carried out entirely by the People's Consultative Assembly. The President mandates the MPR, Article 6 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution before the amendment, namely electing and appointing the President and Vice President, the authority of the MPR in terms of the appointment of the elected President and Vice President, there is a Decree of the People's Consultative Assembly on the Appointment of the elected President and Vice President. After amendments to the 1945 Constitution, the exercise of people's sovereignty is carried out according to the Constitution, Article 6 A The President / Vice President is directly elected by the people. The People's Consultative Assembly has only limited relations with the President. Second, the MPR Decree Number: I / MPR / 2003 provides the existence of the MPR Decree which is still valid. Future MPR decisions are only beschikking. The MPR institution is a static state institution but the MPR will be seen if it produces products to carry out its authority. The MPR Decree regarding the Inauguration of the President and Vice President is a concrete individual decision and once completed einmahlig, where the MPR is just a declaration, does not change the election of President and Vice President by the people, but simply determines the results of the election to determine the status of the President to run the term of office of the President and Vice President elected.

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"Pengisian jabatan presiden dan wakil presiden merupakan aspek utama pada sistem pemerintahan presidensial. Saat ini, mekanisme pengisian jabatan presiden dan wakil presiden Indonesia dilakukan melalui pemilihan umum. Namun, UUD NRI 1945 masih memberikan kewenangan kepada Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat untuk menyelenggarakan sidang pemilihan wakil presiden jika terjadi kekosongan jabatan atau pemilihan jabatan presiden dan wakil presiden jika terjadi kekosongan jabatan secara bersamaan sebagaimana menurut Pasal 8 ayat (2) dan ayat (3) UUD NRI 1945. Tulisan ini dihasilkan melalui penelitian normatif dengan metode kualitatif yang menjadikan sumber-sumber hukum sebagai landasan utama. Kesimpulan yang didapatkan adalah bahwa adanya kewenangan yang dimiliki oleh Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat dalam memilih lembaga kepresidenan sebagaimana menurut Pasal 8 ayat (2) dan ayat (3) UUD NRI 1945 merupakan pelaksanaan prinsip ‘checks and balances’ yang dibangun oleh UUD NRI 1945 dalam rangka penguatan sistem presidensial. Oleh sebab itu, penguatan sistem presidensial terkait kandungan Pasal 8 ayat (2) dan ayat (3) UUD NRI 1945 kedepannya perlu diatur secara komprehensif dalam suatu undang-undang terkait lembaga kepresidenan.

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Filling the positions of president and vice president is a major aspect of the presidential government system. Currently, the mechanism for filling the positions of president and vice president of Indonesia is carried out through general elections. However, the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia still authorizes the People's Consultative Assembly to hold a vice presidential election session in the event of a vacancy in office or the election of the president and vice president in the event of a vacancy of office simultaneously as stated in Article 8 paragraph (2) and paragraph (3) of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. 1945. This paper was produced through normative research with qualitative methods that use legal sources as the main basis. The conclusion obtained is that the existence of the authority possessed by the People's Consultative Assembly in choosing the presidential institution as stated in Article 8 paragraph (2) and paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia is the implementation of the principle of 'checks and balances' developed by the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia in order to strengthen presidential system. Therefore, strengthening the presidential system related to the contents of Article 8 paragraph (2) and paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia needs to be comprehensively regulated in a law related to the presidential institution."

"ABSTRAKTesis ini membahas tentang keabsahan penggunaan Ketetapan MPR Tap MPR sebagai dasar hukum pembentukan Undang-Undang. Sebelum Perubahan UUD 1945 Tap MPR memiliki sifat mengikat terhadap pembentuk Undang-Undang sehingga lazim digunakan sebagai dasar hukum pembentukan Undang-Undang. Setelah Perubahan UUD 1945, hanya Ketetapan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Nomor XVI/MPR/1998 tentang Politik Ekonomi Dalam Rangka Demokrasi Ekonomi yang telah ditempatkan sebagai dasar hukum pembentukan UU. Hal tersebut karena Undang-Undang Nomor 12 Tahun 2011 tentang Pembentukan Peraturan Perundang-Undangan tidak menegaskan posisi Tap MPR sebagai dasar hukum pembentukan Undang-Undang maupun peraturan dibawahnya, meskipun Pasal 7 menempatkan Tap MPR sebagai jenis dan hierarki peraturan perundang-undangan serta Angka 41 Lampiran II UU Nomor 12 Tahun 2011 pada prinsipnya menentukan sebagai dasar hukum harus peraturan perundang ndash;undangan yang tingkatannya sama atau lebih tinggi. Dari 54 Tap MPR yang digunakan sebagai dasar hukum 228 Undang-Undang sejak Tahun 1961 hingga Tahun 2014 ada Tap MPR yang masih berlaku, termasuk Tap MPR tentang Demokrasi Ekonomi. Tap MPR tersebut sebagai penjabaran lebih lanjut amanat UUD 1945 seharusnya dapat digunakan sebagai dasar hukum pembentukan Undang-Undang secara formal sekaligus menjadi arah pengaturan bagi Undang-Undang secara material, agar kebijakan pembangunan yang dilakukan sejalan dengan tujuan bernegara yang digariskan dalam UUD 1945. Tesis ini menggunakan penelitian yuridis normatif karena menitikberatkan pada penelitian kepustakaan yang intinya meneliti asas-asas hukum, sistematika hukum, dan sinkronisasi hukum dengan cara menganalisanya. Data yang diperoleh dianalisis dengan menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif, sehingga diperoleh kepastian pemahaman terhadap permasalahan Tap MPR yang dapat digunakan sebagai dasar hukum pembentukan Undang-Undang.

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ABSTRACTThis thesis discusses about the validity of Decree of The People s Consultative Assembly Tap MPR as The Legal Basis in Law Making Process. Before Amendment of UUD 1945, Tap MPR binding the legislature so that commonly used as the legal basis in law making process. After the Amendment, only Tap MPR No. XVI MPR 1998 on Political Economy in term of Democracy Economy used as the legal basis. This is because the Law No. 12 Year 2011 does not mention it s position exactly as the legal basis, even though Article 7 puts Tap MPR as the type and hierarchy of legislation and Figures 41 Appendix II determine the legal basis of legislation must in the same level or higher. Over 54 Tap MPR used as the legal basis of 228 Act from 1961 till 2014, there are number of them are still valid, including Tap MPR on Democracy Economy. Tap MPR as a further elaboration of constitution mandate should be used as a legal basis Basis in Law making process formally as well as a direction setting for Law materially, so that development policies in line with the state purpose outlined in Constitution. This thesis using normative juridical research focuses on the research literature that examines and analize the principles of the law, legal systematics, and synchronization of law. Data were analyzed using descriptive qualitative methods in order to obtain the certainty understanding of which Tap MPR can be used as a legal basis in Law making process."

"[ABSTRAKPenelitian ini ingin melihat bentuk keberpihakan yang dilakukan oleh Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id dan Tempo.co terhadap pasangan calon presiden dan wakil presiden pada Pemilihan Presiden 2014. Keberpihakan dilihatmelalui dua dimensi yang terdapat dalam konsep imparsialitas yakni keberimbangan dan netralitas. Penelitian ini menemukan fakta bahwa pemberitaan yang dilakukan oleh media online yang diteliti cenderung tidak berimbang, dilihatndari tidak dimuatnya keterangan dua sisi dalam satu teks pemberitaan serta adanya pemfavoritan terhadap calon tertentu. Pemberitaan Kompas.com, Detik.com dan Tempo.co memfavoritkan pasangan Joko Widodo – Jusuf Kalla sementara pemberitaan Republika.co.id memfavoritkan pasangan Prabowo Subianto – Hatta Rajasa. Mengenai netralitas, mayoritas pemberitaan di Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id dan Tempo.co tidak mencampurkan fakta dan opini. Namun, pemberitaan yang dilakukan oleh Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id danTempo.co melakukan penyimpulan satu pihak.

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ABSTRACTThe study will examine how online media like Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id and Tempo.co partially support the candidates of Indonesian president and vice president on Presidential Election 2014. Online media in this study are those who does not have a direct affiliation to political interests. The concept of impartiality is used to identify the form of partiality. With following dimensions: balance and neutrality, this study found some facts. First, about balance, this study found a fact that online media which has been studied is not nbalance when reporting news. It proved by only a few news that give both sides opinion. This study also found that several media favoring certain candidates. Kompas.com, Detik.com and Tempo.co favoring Joko Widodo – Jusuf Kalla while Republika.co.id favoring Prabowo Subianto – Hatta Rajasa. Second, about nneutrality, this study found the majority of news in Kompas.com, Detik.com, Republika.co.id and Tempo.co did not mix the fact and opinion. However, these media made one side conclusion by giving limited fact while reporting news., The study will examine how online media like Kompas.com, Detik.com,Republika.co.id and Tempo.co partially support the candidates of Indonesiapresident and vice president on Presidential Election 2014. Online media in thisstudy are those who does not have a direct affiliation to political interests. Theconcept of impartiality is used to identify the form of partiality. With followingdimensions: balance and neutrality, this study found some facts. First, aboutbalance, this study found a fact that online media which has been studied is notbalance when reporting news. It proved by only a few news that give both sidesopinion. This study also found that several media favoring certain candidates.Kompas.com, Detik.com and Tempo.co favoring Joko Widodo – Jusuf Kallawhile Republika.co.id favoring Prabowo Subianto – Hatta Rajasa. Second, aboutneutrality, this study found the majority of news in Kompas.com, Detik.com,Republika.co.id and Tempo.co did not mix the fact and opinion. However, thesemedia made one side conclusion by giving limited fact while reporting news.]"

"[ABSTRAKKetentuan mengenai penghinaan terhadap Presiden dan Wakil Presiden diatur dalam pasal 134, 136bis, dan pasal 137 KUHP. Pasal ini muncul sebagai adopsi dari pasal penghinaan terhadap Raja dan Ratu Belanda yang turut diberlakukan di Indonesia pada era sebelum kemerdekaan berdasarkan asas konkordansi. Setelah kemerdekaan, ketentuan tersebut dipertahankan namun dengan penyesuaian berupa perubahan pada frasa "Raja" dan "Ratu" menjadi "Presiden" dan "Wakil Presiden". Sejak periode rezim pemerintahan Soeharto, ketentuan tersebut, khususnya pasal 134 KUHP banyak digunakan untuk mengkriminalisasi ungkapan, tulisan, atau perbuatan yang dinilai mencemarkan nama baik Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Ketiadaan parameter untuk mengidentifikasi rasa keterhinaan menyebabkan unsur menghina dimaknai secara kabur oleh para hakim yang mengacu pada politik hukum pidana masing-masing rezim tanpa mempertimbangkan situasi kebatinan yang ada. Adanya potensi kelenturan pemaknaan pasal yang bisa melanggar kebebasan berekspresi mendorong adanya pencabutan pasal penghinaan terhadap Presiden dan Wakil Presiden oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi. Skripsi ini berusaha membuktikan kecenderungan pemaknaan pasal 134 KUHP secara luas melalui analisis terhadap putusan pengadilan, ditunjang dengan dokumen-dokumen sejarah yang ada, di samping membandingkan keberadaan ketentuan tersebut dengan ketentuan serupa di beberapa negara lain.

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ABSTRACT

;Defamation towards President and Vice President of Republic of

Indonesia is regulated in Article 134, 136bis, and article 137 Indonesian Penal

Code. These articles were adopted from the originals regulating defamation

towards King and Queen of Dutch Monarch, which was enforced in Indonesia in

pre-independence period upon concordance basis. After the independence, those

articles were maintained after getting through a conformation?replacement of

?King? and ?Queen? phrases with ?President? and ?Vice President?. Since the

Soeharto era, those articles, especially article 134, were regularly used to

criminalize oral or written expression, and also dissent behavior which were

valued as insulting and jeopardizing the image of President or Vice President. The

absence of parameter to identify the feeling of being insulted caused the obscure

interpretation of the ?defaming? aspect in article 134. The judges gave the

interpretation in the compliance with the politics of criminal law of each regime,

neglecting the ongoing social situation. The possibility of interpreting the law

widely could result on the abuse of freedom of expression, and according to it,

Constitutional Court of Republic of Indonesia decided those existing laws on

defamation towards President and Vice President were void. This thesis aims to

prove the flexibility in interpreting the law, through analyzing court decisions

supported with studies on historical documents regarding defamation towards the

head of the State. This thesis also compared the law of defamation, especially

defamation towards the President and Vice President in Indonesia with other countries., Defamation towards President and Vice President of Republic of

Indonesia is regulated in Article 134, 136bis, and article 137 Indonesian Penal

Code. These articles were adopted from the originals regulating defamation

towards King and Queen of Dutch Monarch, which was enforced in Indonesia in

pre-independence period upon concordance basis. After the independence, those

articles were maintained after getting through a conformation?replacement of

?King? and ?Queen? phrases with ?President? and ?Vice President?. Since the

Soeharto era, those articles, especially article 134, were regularly used to

criminalize oral or written expression, and also dissent behavior which were

valued as insulting and jeopardizing the image of President or Vice President. The

absence of parameter to identify the feeling of being insulted caused the obscure

interpretation of the ?defaming? aspect in article 134. The judges gave the

interpretation in the compliance with the politics of criminal law of each regime,

neglecting the ongoing social situation. The possibility of interpreting the law

widely could result on the abuse of freedom of expression, and according to it,

Constitutional Court of Republic of Indonesia decided those existing laws on

defamation towards President and Vice President were void. This thesis aims to

prove the flexibility in interpreting the law, through analyzing court decisions

supported with studies on historical documents regarding defamation towards the

head of the State. This thesis also compared the law of defamation, especially

defamation towards the President and Vice President in Indonesia with other countries.]"

"Tesis ini mendeskripsikan dan menganalisa mengenai seorang tokoh pengusaha Aburizal Bakrie dan politik. Dalam penjabarannya penyusun memfokuskan pada permasalahan bagaimana gambaran aktivitas politik tokoh pengusaha dan bagaimana juga ia dapat berhasil tampil dalam gelanggang politik. Kasus yang dijadikan studi pada penelitian ini adalah aktivitas politik Aburizal Bakrie pada rangkaian Pemilihan Presiden-Wakil Presiden 2004.Metodologi yang digunakan adalah pendekatan kualitatif dengan jenis penelitian deskripsi-analisis. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui wawancara mendalam (indepth interview) dan studi pustaka (library research). Adapun teknik analisis data dilakukan secara iteratif (berkeianlutan) dan dikembangkan sepanjang program penelitian, mulai dari penetapan masalah, pengumpulan data dan setelah data terkumpulkan.Sedangkan kerangka teori yang digunakan adalah kekuasaan dan sumber politik dari Charles F. Andrain. Secara umum teori ini menandaskan bahwa kekayaan politik itu terkait dengan tiga hal, yakni pertama, seberapa besar sumber daya politik yang dimiliki dan didayagunakan. Sumber politik itu meliputi: sumber fisik, sumber ekonomi (kekayaan), sumber personal, sumber normatif, dan sumber keahlian. Makin besar kepemilikan atas sumber-sumber politik semakin besar pula kesempatan seseorang untuk dapat tampil dalarn gelanggang politik. Kedua, sarana yang didayagunakan, seperti organisasi dan jaringan personal. Dan ketiga, faktor pendorong yakni motivasi. Di sini dijelaskan bahwa makin kuat motivasi untuk memperoleh kekuaaan maka makin kuat juga dorongan untuk mendayagunakan sumber-sumber politiknya.Temuan dari penelitian ini adalah berhasilnya Aburizal Bakrie tampil dalam gelanggang politik pada Pilpres-Wapres 2004 tidaklah didorong oleh faktor tunggal, namun difasilitasi oleh multi faktor, yakni, sumber kekayaan, jaringan personal, dan motivasi.

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This thesis to describe and analyze about entrepreneur figure of Aburizal Bakrie and politic. In the explanation, writer will be focus on problem about how the picture of political entrepreneur activity and how he have success to act in political arena. The case will be studied on this research is AburizaI Bakrie's political activity in election of president and vice president 2004.

The methodology has used qualitative approach with kinds of description-analyze. Technical data accumulation is applied by in-depth interview and library research. Technical data analyze is applied by iterative and development while doing research program, namely deciding problem, accumulating data, and collecting data.

While, the frame of theory in this thesis are power and political resources from Charles F. Andrain. Generally, that theories explain that power of politic are related with three kinds, namely: Firstly, how much resources politic will he get and will be used. The resources of politic are included physic resources, economy resources (property), potential resources, normative resources, and skill resources. "More increasing someone have property of politic resources, easier he gets opportunity to act at political arena". Secondly, the usage of infrastructure of politic, as a organization and personal networking. Dan third, supporting factor, namely motivation. In here is explained that strong motivation to get power so that strong supporting to use politic resources.

The finding of this thesis is that the success of Aburizal Bakrie in political arena in president and vice president election 2004 is not supported by single factor, but it is facilitated by multi factor, namely, property resource, personal networking, and motivation."

"Montesquieu membagi kekuasaan pemerintahan menjadi tiga cabang, yakni legislatif, eksekutif, dan kekuasaan kehakiman. Setelah amendemen UUD NRI 1945, Indonesia memiliki lembaga kehakiman, yakni Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK). Pembentukan MK ditujukan untuk menafsir dan mengawal konstitusi melalui putusannya. Salah satu kewenangan dari MK adalah memberikan putusan terkait dengan pemberhentian Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden atau proses impeachment Pasal 24C ayat (2) UUD NRI 1945. Dalam proses impeachment Presiden ada beberapa lembaga yang berperan, yakni lembaga politik DPR dan MPR serta lembaga peradilan yaitu MK. Adapun yang menjadi masalah proses yang dilaksanakan DPR ini adalah bersifat politis walaupun atas dasar dugaan pelanggaran hukum. Berbeda dengan lembaga politik, tentu lembaga peradilan mengambil keputusan berdasarkan fakta material. Sehingga, timbul persoalan jika MK memutuskan Presiden bersalah dan MPR kemudian membatalkan putusan tersebut dengan tidak memberhentikan Presiden. Penulis menggunakan metode yuridis-normatif dalam penelitian ini dengan menganalisis prinsip hukum dan sumber hukum tertulis terkait dengan impeachment di Indonesia dan membandingkannya dengan mekanisme impeachment di negara lain. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Peranan MK melalui putusannya memiliki peran yang strategis sebab putusan tersebut final dan mengikat bagi DPR sebagai pihak yang melakukan permohonan ke MK. Selain itu, putusan MK disini bukan sebagai vonis tetapi lebih kepada suatu pertimbangan hukum bagi DPR dan MPR. Maka dari itu, perlu untuk melakukan amendemen UUD 1945 dengan menjelaskan secara tegas mengenai sifat final dan mengikat putusan MK dalam proses pemberhentian Presiden atau Wakil Presiden.

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Montesquieu divided government power into three branches, namely legislative, executive, and judicial powers. After the amendment of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Indonesia has a judicial institution, namely the Constitutional Court (MK). The formation of the Constitutional Court is intended to interpret and guard the constitution through its decisions. One of the powers of the Constitutional Court is to give decisions related to the dismissal of the President and/or Vice President or the impeachment process of Article 24C paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. MK. The problem with the process carried out by the DPR is that it is political in nature even though it is based on alleged violations of the law. In contrast to political institutions, of course the judiciary makes decisions based on material facts. Thus, a problem arises if the MK decides the President is guilty and the MPR then cancels the decision by not dismissing the President. The author uses the juridical-normative method in this study by analyzing legal principles and written legal sources related to impeachment in Indonesia and comparing them with impeachment mechanisms in other countries. The results of the study show that the role of the MK through its decisions has a strategic role because the decisions are final and binding for the DPR as the party making the application to the MK. In addition, the MK decision here is not a verdict but rather a legal consideration for the DPR and MPR. Therefore, it is necessary to amend the 1945 Constitution by clearly explaining the final and binding nature of the Constitutional Court's decision in the process of dismissing the President or Vice President."

"Negara Indonesia adalah negara hukum. Penegasan terkait ketentuan tersebut, tertuang dalam Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 pada Pasal 1 ayat (3) yang juga sekaligus menegaskan bahwa Negara Indonesia bukan negara atas dasar kekuasaan belaka (machtstaat). Namun, kekuatan hukum tersebut masih saja diabaikan oleh kekuatan politik yang justru merupakan perwujudan dari machtstaat. Hal ini terbukti dalam ketentuan mengenai mekanisme impeachment Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden pada Pasal 7A dan 7B UUD 1945. Putusan MK terkait impeachment, dapat diabaikan oleh mekanisme impeachment di MPR. Metode pendekatan yang digunakan dalam tulisan ini adalah metode yuridis normatif, yaitu dengan cara melakukan penelitian yang mengacu kepada aspek-aspek yuridis. Metode ini dilakukan melalui studi kepustakaan (library research) atas berbagai literatur yang terkait dengan teoriteori dan asas-asas hukum. Sumber-sumber hukum yang dipakai dalam studi kepustakaan ini meliputi; bahan hukum primer, bahan hukum sekunder, dan bahan hukum tersier. Data-data dikumpulkan dengan cara melakukan pencarian, sistematisasi dan analisa terhadap tulisan-tulisan yang terkait dengan permasalahan yang tengah diteliti. Berbagai data itu kemudian dianalisa secara yuridis analitis. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk memahami mekanisme impeachment Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden berdasarkan Konstitusi Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 dan merumuskan mekanisme impeachment Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden yang baru, yang sesuai dengan prinsip negara hukum.

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Indonesia is a rechtstaat (rule of law). Assertion related provisions, contained in the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945 in Article 1 paragraph (3) who also confirmed that Indonesia is not a country on the basis of sheer power (machtstaat). However, the power of the law still ignored by political power is precisely the embodiment of machtstaat. This is evident in terms of the mechanics of impeachment of President and/or Vice President of the Section 7A and 7B 1945. Decision of the Court related impeachment, impeachment mechanism can be ignored by the MPR. Method of approach used in this paper is normative method, that is by doing research that refers to the juridical aspects.

This method is done through the study of literature (library research) on the literature related to theories and principles of law. Legal sources used in the study of this literature include: primary legal materials, legal materials and secondary and tertiary legal materials. The data were collected by way of doing a search, systematization and analysis of writings on the issues being studied. A variety of data was then analyzed by juridical analytically.

This paper aims to understand the mechanism of impeachment of the President and/or Vice President under the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945 and formulate the new impeachment mechanism of President and/or Vice President, which is according by the rule of law."

"ABSTRAKSkripsi ini adalah membahas pelaksanaan Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden secara langsung oleh rakyat pasca perubahan UUD 1945 yang telah dilaksanakan sejak Pemilihan Presiden Dan Wakil Presiden Tahun 2004. Pemilihan Umum secara langsung merupakan pelaksanaan demokrasi oleh masyarakat, memungkinkan timbulnya perselisihan dalam pelaksanaan dan perhitungan suara dalam penentuan pemenang pada pemilihan tersebut, untuk itu skripsi ini menguraikan tata cara penyelesaian sengketa Pemilu Presiden dan Wakil Presiden oleh lembaga peradilan Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai pemegang kekuasaan untuk mengadili sengketa Pemilu

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ABSTRACTThis paper isto discussthe implementation of the General Election of President and Vice President directly by the people after the 1945 changes that have been implemented since the election of President and Vice President in 2004. Election directly in the exercise of democracy by the people, allowing the emergence of disputes in the implementation and counting in determining the winner in the elections, for this thesis outlines the procedures for dispute resolution election of President and Vice President of the Constitutional Courtas ajudicial institution authority to adjudicate disputes elections"