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"Penelitian ini dimaksudkan untuk mengeksplorasi Pilkada Makassar yang merupakan satu-satunya pilkada calon tunggal yang berakhir dengan kekalahan calon tunggal. Pasangan calon tunggal yang kalah bukan petahana maupun kerabat petahana. Pertanyaan penelitian adalah mengapa terjadi pilkada calon tunggal dan pasangan calon tunggal kalah serta bagaimana dinamika kompetisi yang terjadi? Penelitian dilakukan dengan metode kualitatif, menggunakan teori boundary control Edward Gibson (2012) dan antagonistic cooperation Heinrich Best (2010) serta otonomi elit Etzioni-Halevy (1993). Argumen penelitian adalah terjadi kerja sama antagonistik antar elit serta dinamika boundary control antara petahana walikota dan penantang yang menyebabkan pilkada menjadi kompetisi calon tunggal dan pasangan calon tunggal kalah. Pilkada calon tunggal terjadi karena keberhasilan nasionalisasi oleh penantang melalui pelibatan elit nasional. Terdapat dua mekanisme pelibatan elit nasional yaitu melalui party-led transitions dan center-led transitions. Petahana hanya berhasil merespon party-led transitions dengan mendaftar melalui jalur perseorangan. Petahana tidak dapat bertahan menghadapi center-led transitions sehingga didiskualifikasi. Setelah pilkada calon tunggal terjadi, petahana melakukan penguatan (boundary strengthening) melalui parokialisasi kekuasaan, sebagai respons terhadap gugatan hukum lawan yang menyebabkannya didiskualifikasi. Parokialisasi kekuasaan terjadi berupa penguatan birokrasi dan RT/RW serta mobilisasi isu ke ruang publik secara maksimal. Saat bersamaan pasangan calon tunggal gagal mempertahankan boundary opening dengan lemahnya citra figur. Koalisi pasangan calon tunggal lemah dalam mengantisipasi banyaknya kepentingan strategis pada kolom kosong seperti proyeksi elit untuk pilkada berikutnya, munculnya sentimen negatif terhadap korporasi politik, protes atas party-led transitions dalam penetapan calon serta respon terhadap dinamika politik berdasar nilai budaya lokal. Pilkada Makassar terdiri dari dua fase interaksi elit yang melibatkan elit lokal, elit nasional dan elit partai politik berupa mekanisme penguatan diri dan pelemahan terhadap lawan.

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Makassar local election was the only one single-candidate election which the candidate failed to win the election. The failed single-candidate were not an incumbent nor had relationship with the incumbent. The research questions are: Why did the single candidate election happen, why did the single-candidate could be failed and how did the dynamic competition among elites The research was conducted by qualitative method using Edward Gibson`s (2012) boundary control theory, antagonistic cooperation theory of Heinrich Best (2010) and elite autonomy theory of Etzioni-Halevy (1993). The research argument is there were elites antagonistic cooperations as well as dynamic of boundary control between incumbent of mayor and his competitors which caused the election turned into single-candidate election then ended up with the failed of single-candidate. The single-candidate election caused by the success of opposition nationalization carried out by national elites. There were two transitions which national elites involved i.e. through party-led transitions and center-led transitions. The incumbent did the boundary strengthening after the party-led transitions by registered as a candidate independently (without political party stripe). The incumbent failed to do boundary strengthening after the center-led transitions which caused him to be disqualified from the election. As the single-candidate election ensued, the incumbent did boundary strengthening by parochialization of power in response to the opposition`s lawsuit that had caused him been disqualified. Parochialization of power consisted of the strengthening of bureaucracy, RT/RW, as well as the mobilization of issues to the public. At the same time the single candidate failed to maintain their boundary opening with the weakness of candidates in political experiences. The coallition could not anticipated many important interests of its opponent (kolom kosong) such as many elites strategies for the next election, negative sentiment of political corporation, protest over party-led transitions and respons to political dynamic based on local culture. Makassar local election consists of two elit interaction phases which involved of local elites, national elites, and political party elites such as self-strengthening and weakening against the opponent."

"Tesis ini berupaya memperlihatkan bagaimana proses rekrutmen politik dilakukan oleh panai politik di Kota Depok menjelang Pemilihan Kepala Daerah secara langsung tahun 2005. Studi ini hanya memfokuskan pembahasan mengenai proses rekrutmen yang dilakukan oleh tiga parpol (PKS, PD dan PAN) untuk pcncalonan Walikota dan Wakil Walikota di Kota Depok.Analisis terhadap rekrutmen dilakukan dengan menggunakan teori rekrutmen yang mengkaji sifat proses rekrutmen, apakah bersifat terbuka atau tertutup, berorientasi pada achievement oriented style (kecakapan) atau ascriptive style (ketokohan). Studi ini melihat bahwa keputusan untuk merekrut atau tidak merekrut seseorang berkaitan dengan beberapa faktor seperti ketokohan, kemampuan finansial, keturunan, latar belakang organisasi, agama, gender serta pendidikan dan pengalaman.Proses penelitian dilakukan melalui berbagai tahapan, Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan wawancara mendalam dengan para informan kunci dan telaah terhadap dokumen tertulis yang bersumber dari dokumen partai maupun artikel Surat kabar.Berdasarkan studi yang dilakukan, diketahui bahwa rekrutmen untuk menjadi calon Walikota dan Wakil Walikota Depok yang dilakukan oleh partai politik pada dasarnya tidak melibatkan masyarakat secara mendalam sehingga menimbulkan protes dan pengalihan dukungan dari kader partai politik kepada calon lain di luar yang ditetapkan partainya.Studi ini memperlihatkan bahwa teori-teori rekrutmen relevan dalam memahami proses rekrutmen yang dilakukan di negara-negara yang berada dalam tahap konsolidasi demokrasi seperti Indonesia.

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This thesis aims to discuss the process of political recruitment conducted by political parties in Depok for the Direct Mayoral Election in 2005. This study only focuses on the discussion of recruitment process conducted by three political parties' (PKS, PD and PAN) to select the candidates for the election.

Analysis to the recruitment process employs theories of recruitment that analyze the nature of recruitment process, whether it is open or closed, achievement oriented style or astrictive style. The study shows that the decision to recruit or not to recruit someone is related with several factors such as figure, financial capability, descends, organizational background, religion, gender as well as education and experience.

The research undergoes several phases; data collection is conducted through in-depth interview with key informants and a review of some documents from the parties or articles in the newspaper.

The study finds that recruitment for the prospective Mayor and Deputy Mayor of Depok does not involve the community at large so it triggers protests and shift in support from the cadres that eventually give their votes to the candidates from other parties.

This study shows that the theories of political recruitment are still relevant in analyzing recruitment process in the countries that are still in the stage of consolidation towards democracy, including Indonesia."

"Penelitian ini menjelaskan dan menganalisis faktor kekalahan calon tunggal dalam pilkada Kota Makassar tahun 2018. Jika mayoritas calon tunggal di beberapa daerah adalah seorang petahana, maka di Makassar lahir dari kalangan elit pengusaha yakni Munafri Arifuddin-Andi Rachmatika Dewi (Appi-Cicu). Hasil menunjukkan, pilkada Makassar tahun 2018 dimenangkan oleh kotak kosong dan untuk kali pertama dalam pilkada di Indonesia kotak kosong unggul. Tujuan Penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui faktor kemenangan kotak kosong dalam pilkada Makassar tahun 2018. Landasan teoritis yang digunakan adalah teori elite, konflik, dan rekrutmen politik. Metode penelitian yang digunakan yaitu kualitatif dengan mengeksplorasi dan menganalisis berbagai studi literatur. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kekalah calon tunggal dalam Pilkada di Kota Makassar tahun 2018 disebabkan oleh beberapa faktor yakni adanya konflik elit dimana konflik yang terjadi antar elit lokal yang tidak mendapat dukungan partai politik dalam pencalonan berperan penting dalam memenangkan kolom kosong dalam Pilkada Makassar. Hal tersebut mengkonfirmasi teori konflik yang dikemukakan oleh Maurice Duverger serta teori elit yang dikemukakan oleh Suzan Keller. Selain itu, rekrutmen politik yang tertutup juga berperan dalam mempengaruhi kekalahan calon tunggal. Hal tersebut mengkonfirmasi teori rekrutmen politik yang dikemukakan oleh Gabriel Almond dan Powel. Faktor lain yang tidak kalah penting yang menyebabkan kekalahan calon tunggal ialah partisipasi politik masyarakat Makassar dalam Pilkada di Kota Makassar.

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This research discusses about the defeat of factor single candidate in the local election of Makassar in 2018. If the majority of single candidates in some regions are incumbents, then Makassar is born from an elite businessman, Munafri Arifuddin-Andi Rachmatika Dewi (Appi-Cicu), and the incumbent was lost at candidation process. The results show that the 2018 Makassar regional election was won by an empty box and for the first time in the Indonesian elections the empty won at local election. The purpose of this study is to find out the factor of winning empty boxes in the Makassar election in 2018. The theoretical foundation used is elite theory, conflict, and political recruitment. The research method used is qualitative by exploring and analyzing various literature studies.

The findings of the study indicate that the defeat of single candidates in the local election in Makassar in 2018 was caused by several factors, namely the existence of elite conflict where conflicts between local elites who did not get the support of political parties in nominating roles played an important role in winning the empty column in the Makassar regional election. This confirms the conflict theory proposed by Maurice Duverger and the elite theory put forward by Suzan Keller. In addition, closed political recruitment also played a role in influencing the defeat of a single candidate. This confirms the theory of political recruitment put forward by Gabriel Almond and Powel. Another important factor that caused the single candidate's defeat was the political participation of the Makassar community in the regional elections in Makassar City."

"This thesis tries to answer problems of characteristic of voters, influence of patron-client relation, party identification, campaign program, popularity of candidates on voting behavior, and tendency of voting behavior in local election in Depok of 2005-20010.To examine those problems, some theories are applied. They are theory of patron-client from James C. Scott, theory of party identification of McAllister, Kavanagh and Denver, and theory of rational choice from Anthony Dawn and Hugh Ward. The research uses descriptive method. Primary data is collected from questionnaire distributed to 110 respondents and in-depth interview with 9 key informants. Secondary data is search from research reports, journals, books, mass media, and official document form KPUD and Kota Depok.The result of the study shows that the characteristic of voters from candidates from nationalist party tends to be heterogenic. Meanwhile, the characteristic of voters from religious parties tend to be homogeny and exclusive. Other finding is that the influence of patron-client relation tends to be weakening. Oppositely, party identification, campaign program, and popularity of candidates tend to be strong.Subsequently, tendency of voting behavior in the direct election of mayor and vice mayor of Depok is more various, rational, and predictable. It is similar with the general tendency of voting behavior in local election from 2005.In conclusion, the theory of patron-client is not appropriate to explain the tendency of voting behavior, compare to theory of party identification and rational choice. The implication is that perspective of sociology has loosed its relevance and ability to explain compare to perspective of psychology and rational choice."

"Penelitian ini membahas gerakan politik yang diprakasai oleh masyarakat sipil dalam menentang pasangan calon tunggal yang memiliki afiliasi politik kepada keluarga politik lokal pada Pilkada 2018 di Kabupaten Lebak. Penelitian ini membahas kemunculan dari gerakan politik Kotak Kosong dan mekanisme yang dilakukan oleh oposisi yang tergabung ke Kotak Kosong dalam melawan hegemoni keluarga politik. Penelitian ini juga membahas cara petahana dalam membendung arus oposisi, agar secara skala dan teritorial politik kelompok oposisi tidak memperoleh kemenangan. Metode penelitian yang digunakan ialah metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus. Penulis menggunakan literatur Boundary Control (Gibson, 2012) dan demokratisasi subnasional dan gerakan sosial (Trix Van Mierlo, 2021). Hasil penelitian menunujukkan bahwa di satu sisi, petahana melakukan boundary closing untuk mempertahankan kekuasaannya dengan mekanisme parokialisasi kekuasaan, pemborongan partai politik, dan patronase. Sedangkan, di sisi yang lain, kelompok oposisi melakukan boundary opening untuk menarik atensi elite nasional dalam Pilkada 2018. Kemunculan gerakan politik ini menjadi sesuatu yang baru di tengah hegemoni keluarga politik. Hasilnya, kemunculan gerakan politik ini karena struktur peluang politik yang tertutup dan oposisi mengalami kegagalan. Sebab, strategi yang digunakan tidak dilakukan secara komprehensif, melainkan hanya ada di wilayah tertentu, tidak adanya kandidat demokratis yang didukung, hanya mendukung Kotak Kosong sebagat alat politik, dan gerakan Barisan Juang Kotak Kosong yang tidak bisa membawa kepentingan elite nasional ke daerah.

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This research discusses the political movement initiated by civil society in opposing a single candidate pairs who have political affiliations to local political families in the 2018 regional head election in Lebak Regency. This study discusses the emergence of the empty box political movement and the mechanisms carried out by the opposition who are members of the empty box in fighting the hegemony of the political family. This research also discusses the incumbent’s ways of stemming the flow of opposition, so that on a political scale and territory the opposition group does not win. The research method used is a qualitative method with a case study approach. The author draws on the literature on Boundary Control (Gibson, 2012) and subnational democratization and social movements (Trix Van Mierlo, 2021). The results of the study show that on the one hand, incumbents do boundary closing to maintain their power with mechanisms of power parochialization, political party financing, and patronage. Meanwhile, on the other hand, opposition groups carried out boundary opening to attract the attention of national elites in the 2018 regional head elections. The emergence of this political movement is something new in the midst of superior political family hegemony. As a result, the emergence of this political movement was due to closed political opportunity structures and the opposition failed. This is because the strategy used was not carried out in a comprehensive manner, but only existed in certain areas, the absence of democratic candidates being supported, only supporting empty boxes as a political tool, and the empty box fighter group movement that cannot bring the interests of the national elite to the regions."

"Pencalonan jalur perseorangan pada pilkada langsung di Kabupaten Garut cenderung mengalami penurunan. Dibandingkan pelaksanaan pilkada 2008 dan pilkada 2013, partisipasi bakal pasangan calon dalam pilkada Kabupaten Garut 2018 menunjukkan angka yang paling sedikit. Permasalahan tersebut dikarenakan adanya aturan peningkatan syarat minimal dukungan yang harus dipenuhi oleh bakal pasangan calon sesuai UU Pilkada Nomor 10 Tahun 2016. Kajian ini berfokus pada peran modal politik, modal sosial dan modal ekonomi bagi bakal pasangan calon Suryana dan Wiwin Suwindaryati dalam pencalonan jalur perseorangan pada pilkada Kabupaten Garut tahun 2018, melalui teori modal Pierre Bourdieu (1992) terutama terkait dengan modal politik, modal sosial dan modal ekonomi serta relasi kepemilikan modal dengan pencalonan jalur perseorangan. Untuk memperkuat teori modal politik Pierre Bourdieu dalam penelitian ini, didukung oleh teori modal politik oleh John A. Booth dan Patricia Bayer Richard (1998). Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif melalui wawancara mendalam, dan studi literatur. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa peran modal politik yang terakumulasi dengan kekuatan modal sosial dan modal ekonomi, memengaruhi kekuatan politik dan strategi pasangan calon Suryana dan Wiwin Suwindaryati dalam memenuhi syarat minimal dukungan pada tahap pencalonan perseorangan. dalam pilkada Kabupaten Garut 2018.

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Nominations for the individual path during the direct election in Garut district tend to fall. In comparison to the 2008 and 2013 elections, the number of individual candidate pairs participating in the 2018 Garut district election was the lowest. This problem is due to the rules for increasing the minimum support requirements that must be met by prospective pairs of candidates according to Election Law Number 10 of 2016. This study focuses on the role of political capital, social capital, and economic capital for the prospective candidates, Suryana and Wiwin Suwindaryati, in the nomination of the individual path in the 2018 Garut district election. Bourdieu's theory of capital (1992), mainly related to political capital, social capital, and economic capital, as well as the relationship between capital ownership and the nomination of the individual path. To strengthen Pierre Bourdieu's theory of political capital in this study, it is supported by the theory of political capital by John A. Booth and Patricia Bayer Richard (1998). This research was conducted using qualitative methods through in-depth interviews and literature studies. The results of this study indicate that the role of political capital, which is accumulated with the strength of social capital and economic capital, affects the political power and strategy of the candidate pair of Suryana and Wiwin Suwindaryati in meeting the minimum support requirements at the individual nomination stage in the 2018 Garut Regency Election."

"Skripsi ini menganalisis penyebab dari kegagalan keluarga politik Yasin Limpo untuk mempertahankan kekuasaan di Sulawesi Selatan 2018. Penelitian ini menggunakan kerangka analisis boundary control Edward Gibson, sebagai teori utama, dan dilengkapi dengan analisis otonomi elit dari Eva Etzony Halevy. Menggunakan metode kualitatif, hasil penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa ada tiga faktor yang menyebabkan kegagalan keluarga politik Yasin Limpo dalam pemilihan kepala daerah Sulawesi Selatan 2018. Pertama, melemahnya kontrol politik dari keluarga Yasin Limpo yang disebabkan oleh gagalnya strategi boundary strengthening mereka. Kedua, adanya strategi boundary opening yang berhasil melemahkan kekuatan keluarga Yasin Limpo. Ketiga, seiring dengan keberhasilan boundary opening, intensitas kompetisi antar elit di pilkada meningkat karena terjadi distribusi sumber daya antara elit elit.

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This thesis analyzes the causes of Yasin Limpo's political family failure to maintain power through the South Sulawesi Regional Head Election 2018. This study uses Edward Gibsons Boundary Control analysis framework, as the main theory, and is equipped with elite autonomy analysis from Eva Etzony Halevy. Using qualitative methods, the results of this study show that there are three factors that led to Yasin Limpo's political family failure in the South Sulawesi regional elections in 2018. First, the weakening of political control of Yasin Limpo family caused by the failure of their boundary strengthening strategy. Secondly, there was a boundary opening strategy from challenger elites who managed to weaken Yasin Limpos political family power. Third, along with the success of the boundary opening, the intensity of competition among elites in regional election increased due to resources distribution between elites.

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"Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk menjawab pertanyaan tentang faktor-faktor apakah yang mempengaruhi perilaku pemilih dalam pemilihan kepala daerah (pilkada) dan faktor apakah yang signifikan mempengaruhi perilaku pemilih dalam pemilihan tersebut, serta mengapa faktor tersebut sangat berperan. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah dapat mengidentifikasi faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi perilaku pemilih dalam pilkada dan faktor yang signifikan mempengaruhi periiaku pemilih tersebut serla mengapa faktor tersebut sangal berperan.Penulis menggunakan teori demokratisasi, sistem pemilu, politik lokal, modal sosial dan jaringan sosial, partisipasi politik, dan teori perilaku pemilih (voting behavior). Jenis penelitian menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif tipe deskriptif analisis, sebagai unit analisis adalah para pemilih (populasi) dengan metode pengambilan sampel yaitu cluster sample pada tiga kelurahan sampel terdapat 9.347 populasi, menggunakan rumus Slovin diperoleh 99 responden. Teknik pengumpulan data berupa survai dengan penyebaran kuesioner (angket) kemudian hasilnya dianalisis menggunakan tabel frekuensi dan tabulasi data dengan program SPSS serta wawancara.Dari pertanyaan penelitian di alas ditemukan bahwa faklor karakteristik sosial dan orientasi kandidat merupakan faktor yang cukup mempengaruhi perilaku memilih, sedangkan faktor orientasi partai, dan orientasi isu serta pengaruh kepemimpinan kurang mcmpengaruhi perilaku pemilih. Selanjulnya di antara faktor karakteristik sosial dan orientasi kandidat ditemukan bahwa faktor orientasi kandidat merupakan faktor yang signifikan mempengaruhi perilaku pemilih dalam pilkada. lndikasi yang ditemukan dari Faktor orientasi kandidat adalah karisma atau wibawa kandidal, popularitas, kemampuan atau kecakapan, dan sentimen primordial.lmplikasi teoritisnya bahwa faktor orientasi kandidat bukan satu-satunya faktor yang signifikan mempengaruhi orilaku pemilih dalam pilkada di Kota Ternate, tetapi masih ada faktor lain yang masih harus diteliti yaitu faktor kesetiaan, kepatuhan dan atau ketundukkan pemilih yang terbentuk karena pengaruh kekuasaan dominasi dari Kesultanan Temate terhadap perilaku pemilih.

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This research is done to answer the question of what are the factors that influence voting behaviour in the election of local leader, which one is or are significant to it, and why they ate significant. The aims of the research are identifying factors that influence voting behaviour in local election, identifying the significance of those factors, and why they are significant.

The research applies theories of democratization, systems of election, local politics, social capital and social network, political participation, and voting behaviour. The category of the research is qualitative and the type of the research is descriptive analytic. The unit of analysis is the voters in the election (population). By using cluster sample in three townships, the population is identified that there are 9,347 voters as population and 99 of them are chosen applying Slovin fonnula. To collect data, survey is used by distributing questionnaire then the result is analysed in frequency and data tabulation using SPSS and interview.

From the questionnaire, it is found that social characteristic and orientation of candidates are fairly influence voting behaviour. Meanwhile, party orientation factor and issue orientation and also leadership are not very significant to influence voting behaviour.

Theoretical implication in the research is that candidate orientation is not the only significant factor in influencing voting behaviour in local election of Temate, however there are other factors that must be studied further, which are allegiance, compliance, andfor compliance of the voters which is shaped by domination of power from the Sultanate ofTemate on voting behaviour."

"Tugas Karya Akhir ini membahas fenomena kemenangan Sadiq Khan yang terpilih sebagai Walikota London pada pemilu tahun 2016. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif, penelitian ini menganalisis faktor-faktor pendorong kemenangan Khan. Pertama adalah dukungan dan perolehan suara dari masyarakat kota London, khususnya kelompok Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) . Kedua adalah kampanye rasial yang dilakukan Zac Goldsmith (Dog Whistle Campaign) sebagai lawan Khan dalam pemilu. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep Minority Voting Factors dan teori Voting Behavior dalam menganalisis kedua faktor pendorong tersebut. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa ketidaksetaraan ekonomi dan sosialbudaya yang dialami kelompok BME di London membuat mereka membutuhkan sosok wakil yang dapat mewakili kepentingan mereka. Sadiq Khan sebagai kandidat Walikota London dianggap mampu memenuhi tuntutan kelompok BME. Selain itu, kampanye ‘rasial’ Zac Goldsmith dalam pemilu menyebabkan Goldsmith mendapatkan kecaman dari masyarakat kota London. Kampanye bersifat rasial tentunya tidak dapat diterapkan di London sebagai kota yang sudah ‘terbuka’ dengan keberagaman.

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This paper deliberated victorious phenomenon of Sadiq Khan, whom successfully elected to be the Mayor of London during the 2016 election. Using qualitative method, the discussion inside this paper mainly analyzed some factors which support Khan’s triumph in the election. The main factor is the encouragement and the high acquisition from Black and Minority Ethnic  (BME) in London. The second factor is the racial campaign that conducted by Zac Goldsmith (Dog Whistle Campaign) as Khan’s rival throughout the election. The concept that is used in this research is Minority Voting Factors and the theory of Voting Behavior in analyzing both supporting factors. The result of this research is the founding of economical and socio-cultural inequality that suffered by BME group in London make them aware about their need of the right leader to represent their aspirations. Sadiq Khan, as the Mayor of London candidate, considered to be capable to make their dreams come to life. Other than that, Zac Goldsmith’s ‘racial’ campaign in the election caused him to get a lot of criticism from the people of London. A campaign that contains racial issues absolutely denied in London, since it is to be a city that accepts diversity by this time."

"Penelitian ini menganalisis situasi sosial masyarakat Sibolga sejak awal berdirinya Kota Sibolga sampai pada pemilihan Walikota Sibolga periode 2015-2020. Dengan judul penelitian “ORANG BATAK DAN URANG PASISI DI SIBOLGA;Suatu Kajian Tentang Politik Identitas Pada Pemilihan Walikota Sibolga Periode 2015-2020.” Penelitian ini mendapat realita perubahan situasi sosial masyarakat Kota Sibolga terkini berdialektika dengan kondisi politik dan religi yang aktif, secara internal, masyarakat Kota Sibolga terbagi atas tiga kelompok etnik, yakni: etnis Batak Toba,Urang Pasisi dan etnis migratif lainnya. Ketiga kelompok etnik ini turut membawa pengaruh religi pada praktik kehidupan yang berimbas pada perilaku politik masyarakat Kota Sibolga. Sibolga secara geografis merupakan kota administratif yang berada dibawah naungan Provinsi Sumatera Utara.Penelitian ini menggunakan sudut pandang sejarah untuk dapat mengungkapkan latar belakang terjadinya fragmentasi etnik Batak di daerah Pesisir Sibolgga dan mengkombinasikannya dengan realita kultural masa kini; sosial media untuk mendapatkan data penelitian yang bersifat sinkronik dan diakronik. Pengungkapan kontestasi politik yang terjadi dengan pertautan sejarah dengan realita sosial media berupaya memberikan gambaran etnografi yang bersifat holistik dan menjelaskan perjumpaan dimensi sejarah migratif, politik, kultural dan religi dalam fenomenaetnisitas.Pada mulanya masuknya religi dari luar ke tanah Batak menyebabkan terjadinya fragmentasi kultural, religi dan politik; masuknya agama Islam ke tanah Batak dan meninggalkan nilai budaya Batak dengan alasan utama praktik keagamaan yang menolak bentuk praktik budaya leluhur Batak, begitupun dengan masuknya agama Kristen ke tanah Batak yang turut menanggalkan nilai budaya Batak karena alasanalasan keagamaan, terdapat bagian ketiga kelompok masyarakat yang tetap mempertahankan nilai budaya Batak hingga ruang dan waktu masa kini. Pada perkembangannya, etnik Batak bermigrasi ke wilayah pesisir Sibolga dengan turut membawa fragmentasi perspektif terhadap nilai-nilai religi yang kemudian turut menjadi dimensi kontestasi pada ranah politik pemilihan walikota Sibolga tahun 2015-2020. Kontestasi politik yang terjadi adalah bias dari larutnya nilai religi dalam kehidupan masyarakat Sibolga dan turut meminggirkan nilai-nilai kultural sebagai nilai yang awalnya diadopsi pada praktik kehidupan sehingga memunculkan ruang rekonstruksi etnik pada kehidupan masyarakat pesisir Sibolga yang adaptif terhadap kehidupan keseharian masa kini.

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This study analyzes the social situation of the Sibolga since the inception of the Sibolga until the election of the Mayor of Sibolga for the 2015-2020 period. With the title of research ORANG BATAK AND URANG PASISI; A Study of Identity Politics in the Election of the Mayor of Sibolga 2015-2020.

This study found the reality of changes in the social situation of the Sibolga in a current dialectic with political and religious conditions, internally, the Sibolga people was divided into three ethnic groups, namely: Toba Batak, Pesisir and other migrative ethnicities. These three ethnic groups also have a religious influence on the practices of life which have an impact on the political behavior of the people of Sibolga. Sibolga is

geographically an administrative city under the auspices of the Province of North Sumatra.

At first the entry of religions from outside into the Batak land caused cultural, religious and political fragmentation; the entry of Islam into the Batak land and leaving the cultural values of the Batak with the main reasons of religious practices that reject the forms of cultural practices of the Batak ancestors, as well as the entry of Christianity into the Batak land which helped strip the Batak cultural values for religious reasons,

there is a third part of the community while maintaining the value of the Batak culture up to the present time and space. In its development, the Batak ethnic group migrated to the Sibolga coast by contributing to the fragmentation of perspectives on religious values which later became a dimension of contestation in the political realm of the election of the mayor of Sibolga in 2015-2020. The political contestation that occurred was a bias from the dissolution of religious values in the lives of Sibolga people and helped marginalize cultural values as values originally adopted in life practices so as to bring up ethnic reconstruction space in the lives of Pesisir Sibolga peoples which are adaptive to today's daily life. This study uses a historical perspective to reveal the

background of ethnic fragmentation in the Sibolga coastal area and combine it with current cultural realities; social media to get research data that is synchronous and diachronic. Disclosure of political contestation that occurs with the linking of history with the reality of social media seeks to provide a holistic ethnographic picture and explains the encounter of migratory, political, cultural and religious historical dimensions in the phenomenon of ethnicity. "